Teach Me Forex Online

Forex kurs for nybegynnere Investerere som ønsker å komme inn i valutamarkedet kan finne seg frustrert og raskt spire nedover, miste kapital raskt og optimisme enda raskere. Investere i forex - enten i futures. opsjoner eller spot - gir god mulighet, men det er en svært forskjellig atmosfære enn aksjemarkedet. Selv de mest vellykkede aksjehandlerne vil mislykkes i forex ved å behandle markedene på samme måte. Aksjemarkedene innebærer overføring av eierskap, mens valutamarkedet drives av ren spekulasjon. Men det finnes løsninger for å hjelpe investorer til å komme over læringskurven - handelskurs. (Valutahandel gir langt mer fleksibilitet enn andre markeder, for å lære hvordan du kommer i gang, sjekk ut Forex Walkthrough.) 1. Nettkurs 2. Individuell opplæring Nettkurs kan sammenlignes med fjernundervisning i en klasse på høyskole. En instruktør gir PowerPoint-presentasjoner, ebøker, handelssimuleringer og så videre. En handelsmann vil bevege seg gjennom nybegynner-, mellom - og avanserte nivåer som de fleste online kurs tilbyr. For en næringsdrivende med begrenset utenlandsk kunnskap kan et kurs som dette være uvurderlig. Disse kursene kan variere fra 50 til godt inn i hundrevis av dollar. (Hvis du er nybegynner, sjekk ut de 7 beste spørsmålene om valutahandel. Besvart for en oversikt over grunnleggende begreper.) Individuell trening er mye mer spesifikk, og det anbefales at en handelsmann har grunnleggende forex trening før du går inn. En tilordnet mentor, typisk en vellykket handelsmann, vil gjennomgå strategi og risikostyring. men tilbringer mesteparten av tiden undervisning gjennom å plassere faktiske handler. Individuell trening går mellom 1000 og 10.000. Hva du skal se etter Uansett hvilken type opplæring en handelsmann velger, er det flere ting de bør undersøke før du registrerer deg: Omdømme av kurset Et enkelt Google-søk viser omtrent 2 millioner resultater for valutakurser. For å begrense søket fokuserer du på kursene som har et solidt rykte. Det er mange svindel lovende gigantiske avkastninger og øyeblikkelige penger (mer om dette senere). Ikke tro sprøyten. Et solidt treningsprogram lover ikke annet enn nyttig informasjon og dokumenterte strategier. (Les Komme i gang i Forex for mer om å definere en strategi.) Omdømmet til et kurs er best målrettet ved å snakke med andre handelsmenn og delta i onlinefora. Jo mer informasjon du kan samle fra folk, som har tatt disse kursene, desto mer selvsikker kan du være at du vil gjøre det riktige valget. Sertifisering God handelskurs er sertifisert gjennom en reguleringsinstans eller finansinstitusjon. I USA er de mest populære regjeringskortene som overvåker forex meglere og sertifiserer kurs: Men hvert land har egne regjeringskort, og internasjonale kurs kan bli sertifisert av ulike organisasjoner. Kurs - og kurshandelskurs kan kreve en solid forpliktelse (hvis individuell veiledning er involvert) eller kan være like fleksibel som online podcastklasser (for internettbasert læring). Før du velger et kurs, må du nøye undersøke tids - og kostnadsforpliktelsene, da de varierer mye. Hvis du ikke har flere tusen dollar budsjettert for en-mot-trening, er du sannsynligvis bedre i å ta et online kurs. Men hvis du planlegger å slutte jobben til å handle på heltid, ville det være gunstig å søke profesjonelt råd - selv til den høye prisen. (Les Få Into A Broker Training Program for mer informasjon om å bli megler.) Hold deg unna svindel Gjør 400 avkastninger på en dag. Garantert fortjeneste. Ingen måte å miste Disse og andre catchphrases kull på Internett, lovende det perfekte trading kurset som fører til suksess. Selv om disse nettstedene kan være fristende, bør begynnelseshandlere fjerne tydelig, fordi noen garantier i utenrikshandel er en svindel. (Les mer om dagshandelen i Vil du tjene som en daghandler) Ifølge en Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) i en utgave i mai 2008, er forex svindel på vei oppover: CFTC har sett økende antall og en voksende kompleksitet, av finansielle investeringsmuligheter de siste årene, inkludert en kraftig økning i utenlandsk valuta (forex) trading svindel. Commodity Futures Modernization Act of 2000 (CFMA) gjorde klart at CFTC har jurisdiksjon og autoritet til å undersøke og ta rettslige skritt for å lukke et bredt utvalg av uregulerte selskaper som tilbyr eller selger valutaterminer og opsjonskontrakter til allmennheten. For å sikre et trading kurs er ikke en svindel, les vilkårene nøye, avgjøre om det lover noe urimelig og dobbeltsjekke sin sertifisering for ektheten. (Finn ut hvordan du kan beskytte deg selv og dine kjære fra økonomiske svindlere i Stop Svindel i deres spor og unngå online investering svindel.) Andre måter å lære å handle Mens handel kurs tilbyr en strukturert måte å lære utenlandsk valuta, de arent den eneste alternativ for en begynnende næringsdrivende. De som er dyktige selvstudenter kan dra nytte av gratis alternativer på nettet, for eksempel handelsbøker. gratis artikler, profesjonelle strategier og grunnleggende og teknisk analyse. Igjen, selv om informasjonen er ledig, må du sørge for at den er fra en troverdig kilde som ikke har noen forstyrrelse i hvordan eller hvor du handler. Dette kan være en vanskelig måte å lære på, ettersom god informasjon er spredt, men for en næringsdrivende som starter med et stramt budsjett, kan det være vel verdt tiden investert. Bunnlinjen Før du hopper inn med haiene, bør handelsrådgivning i den svært volatile forexmarkedet være en topp prioritet. Suksess i aksjer og obligasjoner utgjør ikke nødvendigvis suksess i valuta. Trading kurs - enten gjennom individuell veiledning eller online læring - kan gi en handelsmann med alle verktøyene for en lønnsom opplevelse. (For mer om dette temaet, les 8 grunnleggende Forex Market Concepts og Forex: Wading til valutamarkedet.) Lær meg å handle Kommersielt medlem Ble medlem Apr 2010 2,823 Innlegg I løpet av de siste ukene har jeg blitt kontaktet av noen medlemmer av Forex Factory ber meg om å lære dem å handle. Disse forespørslene kan ha vært som følge av dette innlegget, jeg vet ikke. Å svare på et spørsmål her eller der er ikke noe problem, men å sette opp tid til å lære noen på en strukturert og detaljert måte er en annen historie. Jeg tror at tid og krefter skal kompenseres. Jeg har vært lærerhandlere før jeg blir medlem her og har fått noen fantastiske anmeldelser. Så siden trådene mine nå er blitt flyttet til dette forumet av administratorer på grunn av det faktum at jeg tilbyr en tjeneste til Forex Industry (men ikke har gjort det her hos Forex Factory), kan jeg like godt gjøre det beste ut av situasjonen . Jeg har alltid prøvd å jobbe med det som kommer i livet. Jeg trodde aldri at Id kom opp her da jeg begynte å legge ut, men her er jeg. Så, hva er det jeg tilbyr, og tilbyr deg muligheten til å lære å handle og for å hjelpe deg med å kvote markedet. Jeg prøver også å jobbe med handelsmannen for å hjelpe dem å bli en handelsmann eller forbedre sine handelsferdigheter som bør føre til bedre fortjeneste. Du trenger begge aspekter for å virkelig lykkes: en handelsstrategi og å bli en handelsmann. Jeg handler med Andrews Pitchfork som mitt primære analyseverktøy, men jeg jobber også med studenten for å inkorporere hva de kan bruke nå i handelsmetoden vi legger sammen. Jeg lærte en gentleman fra India som ikke var nybegynner på noen måte. Han visste mye, men han var over hele kartet så å si. Da vi var ferdige i syv leksjoner, hadde han et trinnvis handelssystem. Han har det bra. Noen få andre har takket meg igjen og igjen for det jeg viste dem. Det plager meg veldig når jeg ser at handelsfolk fortsatt prøver å lære etter tre og fire år. Jeg var veldig heldig å kunne lære å handle med Pitchfork, og jeg er spesielt takknemlig for Tim Morge for hans innsats for å holde denne handelskunsten levende. Det var på grunn av en artikkel som han skrev at jeg bestemte meg for å studere det, og jeg er så glad jeg gjorde. Det sies at et verktøy er bare like effektivt som den personen som bruker den. Jeg har tatt deg tid til å lære og utvikle noen handelsferdigheter som jeg tror ville ha nytte av enhver forhandler uavhengig av deres handelsnivå. Nedenfor finner du svar på noen spørsmål du måtte ha: 1. Hvordan fungerer det? Det er gjort helt på nettet. Alt du trenger å starte er en Skype-konto (helst din egen) og en e-postadresse for å motta innloggingsinformasjonen for online konferansen. Jeg pleier å lære en-mot-en, med mindre et par ber om det. 2. Hvor lang tid tar det For ekte nybegynnere, ca 14 leksjoner, avhengig av hvordan de forstår konseptene. For andre, ca 7 leksjoner. 3. Hvor mye koster det? Det vil avhenge av hva en forhandler trenger og hvor de starter fra (og ikke så mye som du kanskje regner med). Jeg kan nås via e-post for den informasjonen: pitchforkgoldminergmail. 4. Vil du hjelpe meg å utvikle en systematisk metode Ja. Traders kommer bort med deres trinnvise quottrading recipequot. 5. Hva om jeg ikke bruker Pitchfork, kan jeg fortsatt søke hva jeg gjør nå I de fleste tilfeller ja. Pitchfork gjør bare ting enda klarere. Jeg prøver å integrere handelshandlerens tidligere analysemetode i metoden vi setter sammen om mulig. 6. Hvor lenge er hver leksjon Vanligvis ca 2 timer. Det kan variere avhengig av hvordan studenten utvikler seg. 7. Kan jeg stille spørsmål selv etter at jeg var ferdig Ja. Jeg vil svare på spørsmål om hva som var dekket og til og med gjennomgangskart du måtte ha. Jeg har også lært absolutte nybegynnere som handlet i live og alene innen et år. og gjør det fortsatt. og tjene penger. Jeg forstår at resultatene kan variere, men noen av læringskurverne jeg har sett i mange tilfeller er uoppfordret til. MHO. Det er min faste tro på at hvis de hadde hatt en konkret start, med riktig støtte og coaching, kunne ting ha vært svært forskjellige. Forhåpentligvis får jeg den muligheten. PS! Referanser er tilgjengelig på forespørsel. PPS Siden jeg nå er oppført som et kommersielt medlem, forhåpentligvis er denne tråden ok. Forex Education DailyFX Free Online Forex Trading Universitetshandel er en reise som kan vare livet. Mens ideen om lsquobuying lav, og selger høy, kan rsquo høres enkelt nok i virkeligheten, lønnsom handel er betydelig vanskeligere enn bare å kjøpe når prisen går ned, eller selger når prisen beveger seg høyere. En traderrsquos Forex utdanning kan krysse en rekke markedsforhold og handelsstiler. I DailyFX Free Online Forex Trading University går vi over et stort antall faktorer som påvirker prisbevegelser i Forex-markedet. Wersquove organisert innholdet etter vanskelighetsgrad, begynner med freshman år, og slutter med senior års eksamen. Hvis du klikker på lsquoLearn Morersquo i noen av seksjonene nedenfor, tar du deg direkte til læreplanen, og du kan følge læreplanen ved å klikke på lsquonext lessonrsquo nederst på hver artikkel. Denne læreplanen kan gi en stor del av forexutdanningen din, og hvis din konto er mer, tilbyr DailyFX PLUS On-Demand Forex Video Course som tilbyr 15 moduler, med 3-4 videoer hver. Freshman Year Dette er på tide å få grunnleggende sett for grunnlaget for Forex trading utdanning. I løpet av dette året presenterer vi valutamarkedet, de mest populære valutaparene og aktivaklassene, sammen med noen ekstremt viktige konsepter i Forex-markedet, som innflytelse og margin, ordre typer og tilgjengelige handelssessioner. Dette er på tide å få grunnlaget for resten av forexutdanningen din, og det er helt sentralt at nye handelsmenn er kjent med og komfortabel med konseptene som læres under Freshman-året. Les mer Sophomore Year I løpet av Sophomore-året begynner handelsmenn å lær hvordan de kan navigere i en verden der en uendelig mengde informasjon flyter på dem fra flere retninger. Dette er når vi begynner å lære om rollen som økonomi og økonomiske data kunngjøringer i Forex markedet. Dette er også hvor vi presenterer indikatorer og sentimentanalyse som kan være sentrale i Forex traderrsquos karriere. Lær mer Juniorår Junioråret er når studenten begynner å lære hvordan utdanningen og konseptene fra Freshman og Sophomore årene kan utnyttes i den virkelige verden. Begreper som lysestake analyse, psykologi og meshing Tekniske og grunnleggende utsiktspunkter er i forkant. Dette er alt i ferd med å forberede handelsmenn for senioråret. Les mer seniorår Senioråret er den viktigste delen av en traderrsquos utdanning Dette er hvor handelsmannen vil begynne å bli forberedt på å gå ut og handle i den virkelige verden, på egen hånd . Vi lærer handelsmenn hvordan de skal komponere sin handelsplan, hvordan man handler i ulike markedsforhold, og hvordan man integrerer avanserte grunnleggende begreper i analysen. Det legges vekt på risikostyring i løpet av senioråret, da dette ofte anses som det viktigste for nye handelsmenn å lære før de kan finne kontinuerlig og konsekvent suksess i finansmarkeder. Les mer Siste utdanningsartikler for nybegynnere:

Online Handels Jobber I Sør Afrika

ARBEID FRA HJEMMELINNET I SØR-AFRIKA INTERNET HJEMME BASERTE VIRKSOMHET MULIGHETER GJØR MONEY ONLINE JOBS INTERNET BUSINESS. Tjen penger på kontanter på mobilen din Vil du skape rikdom Arbeid hjemmefra, det starter med deg Sør-Afrikanere kan tjene penger på nettet ved å velge fra topprunnede legitime forretningsmuligheter for å jobbe hjemmefra. Millioner av mennesker tjener ekstra penger hjemmefra, mens andre jobber hjemmefra, full tid, med riktig tankegang og besluttsomhet, det er ingen grunn til at du ikke kan gjøre det samme i år. Hvis du er skeptisk og tror å tjene penger på nettet, er det ikke mulig, og alt en svindel da er du dømt til å mislykkes, selv før du begynner å tjene penger online Sør-Afrika som en del av Eezywealth Work From Home Group har blitt vurdert den beste Sør-Afrika som har jobbet hjemmefra siden 2006 av Sør-Afrikanere. Vår misjon er å tilby de beste metodene på internett for å tjene penger hjemmefra. Før du starter oppdraget ditt for å bruke internett til å tjene mer penger, må du først ta deg tid til å bla gjennom alle de forskjellige metodene. Det er å tjene penger på internett og på flere måter her. For å begynne reisen til å bli velstående, uansett hvilken metode du skal bestemme deg for å bruke, det er viktig å ta tiltak og når du har mainatin det momentumet med så mange forskjellige måter å tjene penger online i dag, er det sikkert noe som passer for alle, og det betyr uansett hvilket nivå av internettopplevelsen du har, kan du bli den neste suksesshistorien også. Hvis du vil ha et bedre liv ved å ha mer penger, vil dette ønske være din drivkraft for å gjøre en forskjell. Opprettholde den viljen til å nå dine mål ved å ta de første skrittene på den virkelige veien til økonomisk frihet. Selv om du kanskje har det travelt med å tjene ekstra penger, eller bygge en fullverdig, lønnsom Internett-bedrift på internett, skjønner du at det tar tid, tålmodighet og innsats med en prosess må følges for å oppnå den suksessen du ønsker. Dessverre virker de fleste av oss vanskelig på å betale ut de månedlige regningene, og med disse pressene for å slite hele tiden har de fleste folk stor hast på å få en ekstra inntekt så fort som mulig. Når du ikke tenker klart, så er det tiden du kommer til å bli fanget av en svindel som lover deg enkle penger. I BIG Hurry Hvis du vil ha noe enkelt, trygt og raskt å tjene litt enkel deltid på kontanter. Hvorfor ikke ta en titt på denne fantastiske henvisnings forretningsmuligheten for å tjene litt ekstra inntekt med denne utmerkede Sør-Afrikanske forretningsmuligheten, som kommer med et nødvendig produkt alle burde ha KLIKK HER. Siden Internett-tilgangen blir mer tilgjengelig i Sør-Afrika, ser flere og flere personer om de kan tjene penger på nettet, og det er potensial for alle, men bare gå om det på den riktige måten. Alle som oppdager internett, tilbyr så mange måter å tjene en ekstra inntekt, vil tjene penger fort, men som vanlig konvensjonell virksomhet, Internett-bedrift eller hvilken metode du bestemmer deg for å forfølge for å tjene mer penger, trenger du også tid til å vokse og begynne å tjene penger. I tillegg til dette, må alle spirende entreprenører vite at det å tjene penger online, enten i Sør-Afrika, eller hvor de befinner seg i verden, vil investere i tid, penger, innsats, engasjement og utholdenhet. Har du alle disse egenskapene nedenfor, er det arbeid fra hjemmekategorier til nettsteder med ulike typer forretningsmuligheter for Moms, Dads, Online Jobs, og mye mer der du bør finne akkurat det du leter etter for å tjene penger på nettet i Sør-Afrika. Her er et godt betalt undersøkelser online spesialtilbud, også egnet for sydafrikanere. Dens et begrenset tilbud så ta det i dag Arbeid hjemmefra Kategorier ONLINE JOBS Ønsker du å lære å handle Forex Online For Sør-Afrikanere (Kontorer også i Cape Town) Til tross for Rands siste styrke, vil R sannsynligvis komme tilbake til rundt R16. 50-17.00 innen utgangen av 2017 Trading Forex vokser i popularitet Verdensomspennende eksisterende Randnivåer gir en attraktiv mulighet til å investere offshore, inkludert i andre fremvoksende markeder. Best Investment Business Opportunities Nedenfor kan du ta deg tid til å vise noen av de anbefalte og beste toppen Vurdert arbeid fra muligheter til å tjene penger på nettet. Ta deg tid til alltid Les informasjonen om enhver forretningsmulighet nøye, eller se presentasjonsvideoene helt. Når du har sluttet seg til en forretningsmulighet, fullfør hvert trinn, prøv aldri å ta korte kutt, og følg hele treningen og veiledningen grundig. Bare husk at for å få en suksess fra ethvert arbeid hjemmefra virksomheten du går med, betyr det å investere tid, penger, innsats og engasjement, men hvis du er forberedt på å gi den alt, så er du mer enn sannsynlig å oppnå din Ønsker om økonomisk frihet Sørg for at internett tilbyr stort potensial til å tjene mer penger, men få tar full nytte av dette, men i dag kan du (Lær mer om disse topparbeidene fra hjemme muligheter under: Mus over bildene for mer informasjon. (Tips Noen ganger kan du EXIT en side, og deretter klikke STAY på siden. For å få tilgang til en prøveversjon av spesialtilbud)) Eie flere lønnsomme Internett-bedrifter. Nøkkelferdige arbeid hjemmefrakomster Bli med dette høyt anerkjente arbeidet hjemmefra Sosiale medier Online jobber Mulighet Hvilke typer måter kan sydafrikanere bruke til å tjene penger på Internett Heldigvis finnes det mange forskjellige online jobber og internett forretningsmuligheter for å tjene mer penger på internett , og hvis du lykkes, bli den neste suksesshistorien og bli med millioner av mennesker over hele verden som har innsett drømmen om å jobbe hjemmefra heltid. Noen av de beste tilbudene å tjene penger online i Sør-Afrika, fra internettarbeid fra hjemmetilbud, som spenner fra å gjøre online betalte spørreundersøkelser, datainngangsprogrammer, freelance online jobber tilbud, hvor du må fullføre oppgaver for å få betalt, pluss mange andre måter å jobbe hjemmefra på deltid eller på heltid. Hvis du virkelig vil oppnå suksess og jobbe hjemmefra i Sør-Afrika, så forstå at snakk er billig. Det handler om å gjøre drømmene dine til virkelighet. Det er hva du gjør, hvor mye innsats du legger i å bygge opp virksomheten din, og trinnene du bruker, som bestemmer hvilken retning livet skal ta. Det du trenger å gjøre i dag, er å oversette dine drømmer, mål, innsikt og hensikt til virkelighet, som kan gjøres mulig ved å bruke konstruktiv handling. Hva du bør unngå Hvis du vil ha lovlige måter å tjene penger på nettet i Sør-Afrika ved å bruke internett som din plattform, bør du passe på svindel, så les alltid arbeidet hjemmefra eller nettopp forretningsmulighetsinformasjon veldig nøye. Et annet poeng som er verdt å nevne er at du ikke forventer mye av gratis arbeid fra hjemmetilbudene, for som du vet, vil du alltid få det du betaler for. Hvis du skulle investere i et riktig hjemme forretningsmulighetsopplæringsprogram som koster deg R50, ville det du forventer at det tjener deg til R10000 pm Hvorfor ville noen selge deg et billig forretningsmulighetssystem for å tjene penger på nettet som kan tjene deg tusenvis av Rands for en dårlig sum penger Sør-Afrikanere må være forberedt på å investere penger i solid legitimt arbeid hjemme tilbud hvis de ønsker å oppnå jobbe hjemmefra heltid. Enda mer fornuftig er å velge Internett-opplæringsprogrammer for å lære deg hvordan du kan tjene penger på nettet som har abonnementer. Hvorfor er disse bedre du kan spørre Det enkle svaret er at kvalitet legitime hjem forretningsmuligheter og verdiskapingssystemer, vil gi medlemmene bedre veiledning, støtte og kvalitetsressurser for å lære deg virkelige måter å tjene penger hjemmefra på internett. Tross alt har du blitt med på programmet for å lære å tjene penger på internett, og tross alt. bør dette ikke dekke medlemsavgiftene dine, eller hva du investerte i systemet i utgangspunktet, uansett i tide En endelig kommentar om å tjene penger på nettet i Sør-Afrika: Mye tid og energi har gått inn for å skape dette nettstedet for å være det beste arbeidet hjemmefra internett business nettsted for sydafrikanere. Vi har også en abonnentliste over sør-afrikanere og internasjonale medlemmer som vi også ønsker deg velkommen til å bli med. Mye tilbakemelding fra våre abonnenter hjelper oss med å velge den beste tjene penger på nettet i Sør-Afrika hjemmebaserte forretningsmuligheter. Alle programmene du ser oppført på de forskjellige sidene på dette nettstedet, er nøye valgt for å være legitime online muligheter, og fortjener enhver investering de innebærer. Les informasjonen om alle forretningsmuligheter nøye, og når du starter din online virksomhet, jobber du for å nå dine mål. Det er opp til deg å gjøre din internettvirksomhet til en suksess, og vårt råd er å ALDRI gi opp, og unngå å flette fra en internettvirksomhet til den neste som ønsker å tjene penger på nettet. Den riktige måten å tjene penger online i Sør-Afrika er gjennom tålmodighet og besluttsomhet. Din internettvirksomhet vil ta tid å vinne, og hvis du er tålmodig nok, vil det absolutt. Du må etterlate det komfortable og velkjente, komme ut av din komfortsone som folk sier, hvis du skal bevege deg videre og oppover for å oppnå en bedre livsstil som de fleste drømmer om, men aldri glede meg over virkeligheten. På veien til rikdom, forventer hindringer, og noen ganger skjer ting og går galt som kan være frustrerende og ubehagelig. Eezywealth SA er en del av topparbeidet fra hjemmegruppen Online Fra 2006 til dato viser vi sydafrikanere og internasjonale besøkende De beste måtene på hvordan tjene penger på nettet Vi søker ut de beste svindelfrie måtene for sydafrikanere og internasjonale besøkende å lage penger på nettet gir også topp utvalgte guider for å starte en ekte hjemmebasert virksomhet. Vi er alltid på utkikk etter de nyeste programmene og jobbe hjemmefra systemer som er viktige, slik at du kan holde deg oppdatert med de nye metodene for å tjene penger på internett. Det er ytterligere viktig å merke seg, enn når du vil tjene penger på nettet, er det ingen korte kutt for å bygge opp en solid Internett-bedrift. Den gode nyheten er at det er noen raske måter å tjene ekstra penger på internett i forretningsmuligheter der det meste av arbeidet har blitt gjort for deg. Disse kalles nøkkelferdige forretningsmuligheter. Kvalitet på internett forretningsmuligheter vil koste deg en investering, men den ultimate avkastningen vil alltid være verdt det fordi flere penger betyr en bedre livskvalitet. Hvis du er tålmodig og bestemt nok, kan du bli med millioner av mennesker som allerede tjener penger på internett, med mange som selv har oppnådd drømmen om å bli egen sjef, jobbe hjemmefra og med økonomisk frihet til å samsvare Internett tilbyr stort potensial til alle å tjene penger på nettet i en internettvirksomhet, eller ved å gjøre nettjobber som betaler deg ved gjennomføring av oppgaver. De fleste mennesker mislykkes fortsatt når det gjelder å bygge en vellykket internettvirksomhet, eller til og med et arbeid hjemmefra, virkeligheten av ulike grunner. I mange tilfeller er det feil valg av forretningsmulighet, mens i andre er det noen som har for mye fart og ønsker å tjene penger fort. Sunn fornuft burde fortelle deg at å tjene penger i noen form for virksomhet er hardt arbeid for å få det fra bakken, og på internett er ikke noe annet. Etter å ha nevnt det, bare vet at med riktig tankegang, dedikasjon og følgende trinn av enhver legitim forretningsmulighet suksess er din for å ta. Når det er coaching, vil riktig veiledning tillate deg å være den stolte eieren av en penger som tjener internettvirksomhet som bringer penger i årene som kommer. Du finner et stort utvalg av forskjellige internett muligheter som passer for Sør-Afrikanere på denne nettsiden, alt fra de velkjente nettverksmarkedsføringsprogrammene, til affiliate forretningsmuligheter, og til og med hjemmejobber som kan gjøres online. Internasjonale besøkende finner lenker som er relevante for deres land i hodet på denne siden. Anbefalte hjemmebaserte forretningsidéer. . En livsplan. Klikk her Hvis du er misfornøyd med alt og alltid er ulykkelig, trenger du litt mer retning i livet. Denne veiledningen vil hjelpe deg med å definere målene dine litt klarere om de skal tjene mer penger, oppnå et mål i din karriere eller relasjoner eller oppfylle en livsdrøm. Råd for å spare penger. Klikk her Du har kanskje hørt alt før, men hvis du ser etter pengene dine og redd hvor mulig, kan pengene du har, gå mye lenger. Disse veiledningene gir deg noen nyttige og viktigst praktiske tips om å spare penger du kan bruke i hverdagen. Sør-Afrikanere Ønsker å gjøre litt shopping på nettet Spar penger med gode tilbud fra sør-afrikanske annonsører ved å besøke denne handlingsportalen. Du vil finne at dette er en fin måte å spare penger på, og få også gratis levering i de fleste tilfeller også. Sør-Afrikansk forretningsmulighet En sør-afrikansk legitim henvisningsmulighet hvor du kan tjene så mye du ønsker ved å søke den nødvendige innsatsen. Du finner dette er spennende og enkelt, og himmelen er grensen i inntjeningen denne fantastiske hjembaserte forretningsmuligheten for sør-afrikanere veldig rimelig, super nødvendig produkt for våre tider, så det er veldig verdt å investere i det og referere med selvtillit hvis du virkelig vil tjene penger online i Sør-Afrika. Å tjene penger på nettet er IKKE en svindel som mange tror, ​​og faktisk svindel er så lite som 3-4 av alle forretningsmuligheter. Svindel spiller på grådige dovne mennesker, som lett blir fanget av disse falske løftene om raske, enkle penger. Du kan tjene penger på nettet på heltid eller deltid eller bygge en solid Internett-bedrift som kan gi deg en livslang inntekt. Kvalitets legitime forretningsmuligheter for sydafrikanere skal koste deg en skikkelig investering, og med den fallende verdien av Rand, hvis det er en du vil bli med, gjør det raskere enn senere før det er langt utenfor rekkevidde. Testimonials For å gi deg best mulig brukeropplevelse, bruker dette nettstedet Javascript. Hvis du ser denne meldingen, er det sannsynlig at Javascript-alternativet i nettleseren din er deaktivert. For optimal visning av dette nettstedet, må du sørge for at Javascript er aktivert for nettleseren din. For å aktivere Javascript i nettleseren, følg instruksjonene i denne linken: googlesupportbinanswer. pyanswer23852 Når du har aktivert JavaScript i nettleseren din, oppdaterer du denne siden. Europa Asia Pacific Internetbank tilbyr et bredt spekter av banktjenester og produkter, som du kan få tilgang til bekvemt fra hjemmet eller kontoret. Den lar deg få tilgang til de siste saldoer og utsagn, foreta betalinger og laste mottakerne uten å gå inn i en gren. Business Online tilbyr et større funksjonsnivå enn Internett-bank. Hvis mer enn én person trenger tilgang til systemet, er Business Online ideelt, da det gir flere operatør tilgang. Den tilbyr også et komplett spekter av nettbankløsninger fra kontoadministrasjon og overføringer til internasjonale bank - og valutatjenester. For mer informasjon om våre elektroniske banktjenester besøk Internettbank og Business Online Internett Banking BetalingerTransfersBalance og utsagn Kjøpe forhåndsbetalt lukningstid Betal bøter Bruk Betalingsverdier og - volumer Gjennomsnittlig betalingsverdi mindre enn R1900 Gjennomsnittlig antall betalinger per måned mindre enn 35 Betalingsforretninger BetalingerBalanse og uttalelser Kontoverifiseringstjeneste SARS e-Filling - UIF-utbetalinger Samlinger Internasjonal bank FX-handel Handels Likviditetsstyring Tredje part Fondadministratorer Forvaringskommunikasjon Bruk Betalingsverdier og - volumer Ubegrenset betalingsverdi Ubegrenset betalingsvolumGlencore Xstrata Karriere, stillinger og stillinger 8211 8 Stillinger Glencore Xstrata Karriere og jobber Glencore Xstrata er en av verdens største globale diversifiserte naturressursselskaper og er et av de ti største selskapene innenfor FTSE 100-indeksen. Gruppens industri - og markedsaktiviteter støttes av et globalt nettverk av mer enn 90 kontorer lokalisert i over 50 land. Deres mangfoldige operasjoner består av over 150 gruve - og metallurgiske anlegg, offshore oljeproduksjon eiendeler, gårder og landbruksprodukter. Glencore Xstrata sysselsetter omtrent 190.000 mennesker, inkludert entreprenører. Glencore Xstrata sysselsetter rundt 190.000 personer (inkludert entreprenører) på tvers av et globalt nettverk av mer enn 90 kontorer lokalisert i over 50 land. Deres mangfoldige operasjoner omfatter over 150 gruve - og metallurgiske områder, offshore oljeproduksjon eiendeler, gårder og landbruksprodukter. Den desentraliserte styringsstrukturen gir mennesker mulighet til å overføre ansvar og myndighet til lokalt nivå og aktivt oppmuntre til innovasjon og entreprenørskap. Glencore Xstrata tilbyr en rekke karriere og jobbmuligheter på alle nivåer i sine virksomheter over hele verden. Erfarne fagfolk, samt nyutdannede er velkomne og får en rekke spennende veier for leting og fremgang i karrieren. Glencore Xstrata karrierer skal tillate deg å utvikle og øke dine ferdigheter, kompetanse og erfaring, gi utfordringer og muligheter og belønne dine prestasjoner. Glencore Xstrata tar sikte på å tiltrekke seg, motivere og beholde de beste menneskene for å sikre at bedrifter er resourced med folk som tenker og oppfører seg som gründere, som er villige til å lære, som er lidenskapelige om sitt arbeid og som streber etter å være ledere på sitt felt. Glencore Xstrata Graduate Recruitment Vi tilbyr unike globale karrieremuligheter og lette personlig utvikling. Våre graduate muligheter er forskjellige 8211 fra kortsiktige plasseringer til lærlinger for å uteksaminere nivå roller og er tilgjengelig på tvers av et stort omfang av disipliner, inkludert geologi, engineering, bærekraft, samfunn engasjement, økonomi. logistikkvirksomhet, handel, forskning og administrasjon. Våre ferie-, praktik - og opplæringsprogrammer tilbys på tvers av et bredt spekter av disipliner, virksomheter og land. Rekruttering og valg for opplæringsnivåprogrammene gjennomføres lokalt og er planlagt å falle sammen med regionale universitets - og feriekalendere. Våre opplæringsprogrammer sikrer at vår fremtidige arbeidsstyrke er utstyrt med riktig kompetanse og veiledning. Våre nyutdannede rekrutter lærer gjennom erfaring på arbeidsplassen og samarbeid med talentfulle kolleger over hele verden. Ønsker du å fremme din karriere med et dynamisk internasjonalt gruveselskap. Xstrata Coal Sør-Afrika er på utkikk etter kandidater som virkelig kan øke verdien til vår virksomhet på tvers av alle fagområder i vår virksomhet og bedriftskontorer. Dette er din mulighet til å uttrykke interesse for eventuelle fremtidige muligheter som kan være av interesse for deg over den voksende Xstrata Coal Sør-Afrika-virksomheten. Hvordan søke på Glencore Xstrata CareersHistorie om kvinners kamp i Sør-Afrika Kvinner i begynnelsen av 1900-tallet Det er bare i løpet av de siste tre eller fire tiårene at kvinners rolle i Sør-Afrikas historie har blitt gitt noen anerkjennelse. Tidligere ble historien om kvinners politiske organisasjon, deres kamp for frihet fra undertrykkelse, samfunnsrettigheter og, viktigere, for likestilling, i stor grad ignorert i historikktekster. Ikke bare sto de fleste av disse eldre bøkene tungt mot hvit politisk utvikling til skade for studier av hvite og andre rasegruppers historie og samhandling, men de fokuserte også på menns prestasjoner (ofte på deres militære utnyttelser eller lederskap) nesten etterlater kvinner ut av den sydafrikanske historien. Årsaken til denne lsquoinvisibility39 av kvinner, krever en forklaring. Det sydafrikanske samfunnet (og dette gjelder i varierende grad til alle rasegrupper) er konvensjonelt patriarkalsk. Det var med andre ord mennene som hadde myndighet i samfunnet, kvinner ble sett underordnet menn. Kvinnenes rolle var først og fremst en innenlandsk som inkluderte barneopphold og å se til trivsel, fôring og omsorg for familien. De var ikke forventet å bekymre seg om saker utenfor hjemmet ndash som var mer riktig domenet til menn. Økonomisk aktivitet utenfor hjemmet (for å hjelpe mat og klær familien) var akseptabelt, men ikke vurdert lsquofeminine39. Men med økningen av industriell økonomi, veksten av byer og (absolutt i tilfelle av urfolkssamfunn) utviklingen av migreringsarbeidet, ble disse forskriftene om kvinners rolle, som vi skal se, slått ned. Dette er en spesielt passende tid for å studere kvinners rolle i utviklingen mot det nye sørafrikanske demokratiet. Året 2006 var et landemerkeår hvor vi feiret den massive kvinnenes mars til unionsbyggene i Pretoria for 50 år siden. Kvinner over hele landet hadde satt navn på petisjoner og dermed indikerte sinne og frustrasjon ved å ha sin bevegelsesfrihet begrenset av de hatede offisielle passene. Tjenesten til disse kvinnene (som risikerte offisielle repressalier, inkludert arrestasjon, fengsel og til og med forbud) er applaudert her. Også deres organisatoriske ferdigheter og samfunnsbevissthet er at de var lei av å bli hjemme, maktesløse for å gjøre betydelige endringer i en livsstil som diskriminerte dem hovedsakelig på grunn av deres rase, men også på grunn av deres klasse og deres kjønn. Vi inviterer deg til å lese på de følgende sidene om den viktige rollen som kvinner spiller i det 20. århundre Sør-Afrika. En liste over arbeider for videre lesing og noen aktuelle dokumenter er også inkludert i dette arkivet. Kvinner, halvparten av befolkningen tross alt, har lenge vært stille i vår historiebøker, og selv om dette behovet i en grad blir adressert, er det fortsatt et stort gap i vår kunnskap om den rolle som sydafrikanske kvinner. Det er på tide at våre unge sør-afrikanere burde sette platen rett. Ved begynnelsen av det tjuende århundre i Sør-Afrika ble alle tidligere uavhengige afrikanske politikker erobret og satt under hvitt bosetterkontroll. Videre var den økonomiske uavhengigheten til disse afrikanske samfunnene blitt ødelagt, og afrikanske menn hadde blitt trukket inn i en arbeidsklasse på gruvene (i de utviklende byer) og på hvit-eide gårder. Oppdagelsen av mineraler (diamanter i Kimberley i 1867 og gull på Witwatersrand i 1886) hadde frigjort store endringer i den utviklende sørafrikanske økonomien, og disse skulle bli svært viktige for deg som kvinner, spesielt svarte kvinner, spiller. Svarte menn i Cape Colony hadde fortsatt avstemning (selv om en svart mann ikke kunne bli medlem av parlamentet), men andre steder i Sør-Afrika hadde svarte mennesker (enten menn eller kvinner) ikke stemmer, og heller ikke hvite kvinner ble fratatt. Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 (også kalt den sydafrikanske krigen) hadde decimated den sydafrikanske økonomien og forlatt en dyp deling i samfunnet, ikke bare mellom svarte mennesker og hvite, men mellom boer og britene. Afrikanerne hadde justert seg med britene i denne krigen, i forgjeves håp om at etter fred ble signert ville de bli gitt en bedre avtale. I stedet hadde briterne gjort en viss innsats for å forsone seg med boerne og ignorert påstandene fra afrikanerne. En ny hvit kontrollert regjering ble opprettet i 1901 og kalt Union of South Africa. Hva var da kvinners stilling i det sydafrikanske samfunnet i begynnelsen av 1900-tallet Svaret er at svarte kvinner i tradisjonelle afrikanske samfunn og tilsvarende hvite kvinner i bosetterne, var underordnet menn. Kvinnenes stilling var dårligere, mennene tok alle de store beslutningene både i samfunnet og i hjemmet. Med andre ord var Sør-Afrika et patriarkalsk samfunn. Morskapet var kvinners primære rolle. De måtte oppdra barn, ta vare på hjemmet og se etter familiens behov. I afrikanske samfunn ventet kvinner også å utføre landbruksoppgaver for å hjelpe familien til å føde. Andre tok i klesvask for å gi ekstra inntekt, mens noen kom inn på arbeidsmarkedet som husholdninger. I bosettingssamfunnet ble det ikke ansett feminint å jobbe utenfor hjemmet, selv om noen kvinner gjorde det for å supplere familiens inntekt og hjelpe til med å legge mat på bordet. Historiebøker skrevet på den tiden (og i lang tid senere) handlet om menn. Vi leser av krigene de førte og kjempet hvordan de utgjorde arbeidsstyrken på gruvene i de utviklende byene og den nye regjeringen de opprettet i 1910 (uten å konsultere noen kvinner). Hvis kvinner fremhevet det, var det som ofre for menneskeskapte kriger (som ofrene i leirene). Kvinner ble ikke forventet å være selvsikker og ta saker i egne hender. To eksempler vil illustrere kvinners underordnede stilling i begynnelsen av århundret. Svarte kvinner, hvorav de fleste fortsatt bodde i reservene, hadde begynt å danne grupper for å ta på seg noen kirkebundne samfunnsroller i samfunnet, men de ble ikke akseptert som medlemmer av den afrikanske nasjonalkongressen (ANC) da den ble dannet i 1912. Denne aksept kom bare i 1943. Svarte menn innså behovet for å forene politisk for å danne en felles front mot hvit undertrykkelse, men utrolig var det ikke noe sted for kvinnene deres i deres planer om å gjøre det. På samme måte ble hvite sørafrikanske kvinner ikke tillatt å spille noen rolle i politisk beslutningsprosesser i en mannlig ledet unionsregering. Det var først i 1930 (mange år etter bosatte kvinner andre steder i imperiet) at hvite kvinner fikk avstemning. Denne loven ble bare motvillig vedtatt av et helt mannlig all-white parlament, etter en samordnet 20-årig kampanje av dedikerte feminister. På sidene som følger, lærer du hvorfor og hvordan sydafrikanske kvinner i alle raser begynte å bryte ut av de stereotype kjønnskonvensjonene og gradvis ble mer selvsikker og krevende og tok en stadig større rolle i vår historie. Å organisere kvinner for et felles mål i det 20. århundre Det er vanskelig å kutte ned de spesifikke problemene som sydafrikanske kvinner møtte da i 1956 eller i dag. Spørsmål om kvinner på 1950-tallet kan beskrives som 39brød og smør39 saker, for eksempel boliger, matpriser og tillatelser. I dagens Sør-Afrika står kvinner overfor et bredt spekter av problemer som vold i hjemmet, barnemishandling, HIVAIDS, arbeidsledighet kjønnsdiskriminering samt fattigdom. Det er i denne sammenheng at kvinner da organisert seg i samfunnet for å ta opp disse utfordringene. En slik samfunnsbasert struktur var Alexandra Women's Council (AWC), som ble opprettet i midten av 1940-tallet. AWC ble aktiv i spørsmål knyttet til squatterbevegelser, og i 1947 demonstrerte den mot Native Affairs Commission, som ønsket å fjerne squatters i Alexandra Township. Etter andre verdenskrig fant rask urbanisering sted etter hvert som flere mennesker flyttet inn i byene på jakt etter arbeid i fabrikker eller i gruvene. Tilgangen av svarte mennesker økte til 23,4 prosent i 1946 fra 18,4 prosent i 1936. Som følge av dette økte behovet for boliger også. Da regjeringen forhindret svarte folk fra fast bosted i byene, begynte de å bygge plassen leirer eller uformelle bosetninger i utkanten av urbane områder. Reaksjonen fra regjeringen var å klemme seg ned på disse tømmerleirene og fjerne folk til steder, langt fra arbeidsstedene. Kvinner tok det på seg selv for å bekjempe disse flyttingene fordi det påvirket deres levebrød som sjebien. Kvinner som ikke kunne finne arbeid i fabrikkene eller som husarbeidere begynte å brygge øl og solgte den til et stort antall migrerende arbeidere som ikke hadde råd til å kjøpe den vestlige øl, eller til de mennene som fortsatt foretrukket den tradisjonelle afrikanske øl. Flytting av disse mennene medførte tap av kunder. I Vest-Kapp etablerte kvinnene i Crossroads squatter camp kvinnene av korsveis bevegelse for å bekjempe lignende problemer som AWC sloss. Fra venstre til høyre: Kvinne brygger øl i township Menn drikker tradisjonell øl i shebeen Politiet arresterer en kvinne som driver en shebeen. Bortsett fra å danne bevegelser som AWC og WCM, var det andre bevegelser som vokste inn i politiske bevegelser. For eksempel ble torsdager i Sør-Afrika ansett som en helligdag hvor kvinner fra ulike etniske og sosiale bakgrunner møttes for en bønn. Disse bønnene banet vei for nye strukturer rundt mikrofinansiering og økonomisk støtte. De organiserte stokvels og sparekøller for kvinner. Vanlige kvinner som ikke tilhørte noen politiske organisasjoner på 1950-tallet, startet disse strukturene. Det var en organisasjon som ble etablert av to kvinner som var politisk aktive på den tiden Zenzele Club startet av Josie Palmer (Mpama) og Madie-Hall Xuma. Selv om det ble startet av politiske figurer, ble medlemmene tiltrukket av overlevelsesproblemene som den reiste. Zenzele Club oppfordret kvinner til å leve av strikking. Det var gjennom slike organisasjoner at FEDSAW samler kvinner for et felles mål. Selv om problemene som kvinner kjempet for, forblir uløste, var mars i 1956 en seier i sin egen rett. Flere kvinner ble aktive i politikken, og noen betalte prisen på langsiktig fengsel, mens noen utgjør en trussel mot regjeringen og ble drept. Det var ikke bare afrikanske kvinner som dannet sosiale strukturer som de som er beskrevet ovenfor. Luli Callinicos i sin bok, et sted i byen: Apartheidens rand på eve, beskriver hvordan afrikanske kvinner dannet 39 kvinner i klubben39 for å støtte Afrikas årsak til 39Broederbond39. Callinicos skriver at så tidlig som i 1930-tallet ble afrikanske kvinner ansett som de viktigste bærerne av sin kultur. De var også morsmålsmottakere og bærerne av Afrikansk kultur i homequot (Callinicos 1993: 117). Hvite womenrsquos organisasjoner som Black Sash, mobiliserte kvinnelige strukturer som disse for en politisk årsak. Selv om dette var en utfordring på grunn av kulturelle barrierer som bundet de fleste afrikanske kvinner, var det noen som Bettie du Toit som steg over disse restriksjonene og kjempet for frigjøring av det sydafrikanske folk over rase linjer. Sørafrikanske kvinner, på tvers av raserier, har vært kilden til mot for hele samfunnet. Ved utnevnelse av kvinner til regjeringspresident Thabo Mbeki uttalte at det ikke var noen regjering i Sør-Afrika som kunne hevde å representere folks vilje hvis den ikke klarte å ta opp den sentrale oppgaven med frigjøring av kvinner i alle dens elementer, og det inkluderer regjeringen vi har privilegert å lead. quot (Mbeki, 2004) For tiden utgjør kvinner i regjeringen 33 prosent av stillingene langt fra da Helen Suzman sto alene som en kvinnemedlem i parlamentet. Hun gjorde sin tilstedeværelse kjent ved å åpenbart motsette seg politiet i Nasjonalpartiet og oppfordret regjeringen til å åpne diskusjon med Frigjøringsrøringene. Kvinner i Sør-Afrika på tvers av alle sfærer i livet har bidratt til Sør-Afrika. Today, the contribution that women made in our history is not only visible in our society but in the steps of the Union Buildings. By the turn of the century, despite the fact that women of all races were still virtually restricted to the home, migrant labour had already begun to forge differences between the experience of African and white women. African men were no longer part of the traditional homestead economy. Instead they were away for extended periods of time, working under contract on the mines. In both town and rural areas the traditional pattern of the African family was destroyed, and this, in turn, undermined the very basis of tribal society. As Walker puts it, lsquoAfrican marriage became less and less stable an institution, with women gaining personal independence at the expense of the economic and emotional security within the pre-colonial family39 (Walker 1990:19). For African women in the reserves, where they soon began to outnumber the men, life was very tough. The burden of agricultural work and the responsibility of keeping the family together fell entirely on their shoulders. Many African women began to consider the alternative of moving into locations near to the towns. This provided the opportunity to take in laundry or opt for employment as domestic servants. But it suited the government better to have African families living in the reserves so the women who moved to the town were confronted by government influx control measures. In the towns women also grew more independent and assertive they became more politically aware and less compliant with the harsh, discriminatory restrictions placed on them by officialdom. Women demonstrated against having to carry passes in three major campaigns, all of which are mentioned here. The first, in 1913, was in Bloemfontein and stands out not only because it was such an early outbreak of women39s resistance, but also because of what Julia Wells calls its lsquostrength and militancy39 and because it was so lsquocostly to the personal lives of participants39 (Wells 1993:3). It also set the tone for later anti-pass action by militant African women. The second episode, which will be mentioned later (because the material is presented chronologically) was in 1930 in Potchefstroom, a small white-dominated town where officials tried to bully the women to comply with the particular labour needs of the town. In this case the grievance of the women was against lodgers39 permits. The third campaign was masterminded in Johannesburg from 1954-1956, culminating in the march in 1956 of nearly 20 000 women to Pretoria. This will receive close attention as the archive was created in celebration of this event. In each of these episodes women reacted not because of major political issues or broad developmental policies but because the stability of their homes and families were in jeopardy. As Julia Wells puts it: lsquoWhen it was women who resisted, it was because the crisis reached into the inner sanctum of home and family life. Each of the three episodes of resistancehellip reflects a time when women themselves were directly and negatively affected by shifts in the application of the pass laws39 (Wells 1993:9). The 1913 Bloemfontein anti-pass campaign The women involved in this incident were an urbanised group living in the Waaihoek Location under the control of the Town Council of Bloemfontein. In 1913, partly as a measure to protect the increasing number of lsquopoor whites39 from black competition in the labour market, government officials in the Orange Free State declared that women living in the urban townships would be required to buy new entry permits each month. It was claimed that this would cut down on informal means of employment such as laundry work, illegal beer brewing and prostitution. Each month, when renewing her permit, a woman had to prove that she had lsquolegal39 employment. All lsquoinformal39 employment was thus restricted, forcing the women to take on domestic work in Bloemfontein, which suited the ruling party, which took the women away from their own homes and children. Those who refused to comply would be evicted and sent back to the reserves. Furthermore there were allegations of sexual abuses related to the enforcement process by both white and black constables. In angry response to these prescriptive measures the women sent an all-woman deputation to the governor-general. They collected more than five thousands signatures on petitions, and organised impressive demonstrations to protest the permit requirement. Both the newly formed ANC and the African Political Organisation (APO) formed in 1902, under Abdurahman, gave encouragement to the efforts of the Waaihoek women. Abdurahman was a great admirer of Gandhirsquos passive resistance and he encouraged the women to invite arrest by defying the hated regulations. African people across the board also felt bitter and disappointed about the recently passed Natives Land Act (1913), so tensions were high. On 28 May 1913 a mass meeting of women was held in Waaihoek and it was decided to adopt a passive resistance stance. They would refuse to carry residential permits. Two hundred angry women marched into town to see the mayor, but when he was eventually cornered he maintained that his hands were tied. The women promptly tore up their passes, shouted remarks at the policemen and generally provoked the authorities into arresting them. Eighty women were arrested. There was another march the next day which soon turned ugly, with sticks being brandished. The women reputedly shouted at the police: lsquoWe have done with pleading. We now demand39 Unrest spread to other towns throughout the province and hundreds of women were sent to prison. Civil disobedience and demonstrations continued sporadically for several years. Ultimately the permit requirement was withdrawn. Women had succeeded in making their voices heard and this certainly inspired them for the future. The term lsquopass39 was used to describe any document that curtailed an African39s freedom of movement and had to be produced on demand by police or local officials. As far as black people were concerned residents39 permits (also called lsquolodgers39 permits39), special entry permits, permits to seek work and reference books all fell into the general category of the lsquopass39. Until the 1930s women were generally exempt from pass control but the Orange Free State was the exception here there was a complex net of restrictions on African people, both men and women. Ultimately, however, all African women in the towns or so-called lsquowhite39 rural areas and reserves were required to carry reference books, while only certain women in the proclaimed areas were subject to the permit requirements. The issue of permits in the urban areas began a few years before reference books were introduced. African women felt that the permits were simply forerunners of reference books and treated them with equal contempt. The Bantu Women39s League (BWL) One of the direct consequences of the Bloemfontein anti-pass campaign was the formation of early women39s political movements. Women had proved their ability to take their fate in their own hands. An organization called the Native and Coloured Women39s Association was formed in 1912 to lay plans for the Free State anti-pass petitions and the deputation to the governor-general. Soon afterwards it was followed, and eventually superseded by a new, very significant women39s movement, the Bantu Women39s league (BWL). This was formed in 191314 as a branch of the ANC. At the time women were not accepted as full members of the ANC, but at least the BWL made the men realize that African women were becoming assertive and politicized. The BWL became involved in passive resistance and fought against passes for black women, but it also undertook the more traditional roles of catering and entertainment for the male-dominated ANC deliberations. During this time the BWL was under the leadership of Charlotte Maxeke, South Africa39s first women graduate, who had been educated in the USA. In 1918 Maxeke headed a deputation of women who went to see Prime Minister Louis Botha to plead the women39s case. Following this, the Free State regulations on resident permits for women were relaxed. The BWL appears to have survived until the early 1930s, but was absorbed into the National Council of African Women (NCAW), a less assertive movement that was inaugurated in 1933 and focused primarily on welfare issues. This body, also headed by Charlotte Maxeke, worked in cooperation with the white liberals in the Joint Councils Movement. The 1920s - Women, employment and the changing economic scene crarr In the 1920s, with the First World War (1914-1918) over, the pattern of female employment began to change. The war and the protectionist policy of the Pact government under JBM Hertzog (who wanted to help the lsquopoor whites39 to get back on their feet) both boosted the growth of the manufacturing industry. Women of all racial groups slowly began to gravitate to the towns and were drawn into the labour market. Outside the reserves economic opportunities opened up for African women too. Instead of struggling in the reserves without their men (most of whom had gone to the towns find employment, or worked on the mines) they could live in a location (where admittedly housing was scarce and conditions were poor) and seek jobs in the nearby towns. In the 1920s there were not yet any restrictions on the mobility or settlement of African women. The pace of urbanisation and the changing female employment patterns are closely linked. Gender inequalities were, however, very marked. Across the spectrum of the entire labour market, women, whether African, coloured or white, were paid the lowest wages and were given the least skilled jobs. More than 50 of women who were employed outside the reserves in the early 1920s were in domestic service, but other avenues of employment had begun to open up. By 1925, for example, about 12 of women of all racial groups had taken jobs in the industrial sector. This exposure to city life and the bustling economy as we shall see, made women more self-assured and they became more politicized and assertive hellip more prepared to fight for socio-political rights as well as equal rights for women (Walker 1991:14-15). The clothing industry became an important area of industrial employment for women, as were the food, drink and tobacco industries. Through their employment in industry women became drawn into trade unions, and this too, became a significant motivating factor in women39s resistance against gender inequality and social injustice. The influence of the trade unions began to be felt by the 1920s (and the increased rapidly in the 1930s and 1940s), with women such as Ray Alexander, Hetty McLeod, Frances Baard and Bettie du Toit taking the lead and thus empowering the women39s movements. Early female activists such as Charlotte Maxeke, the leader of the Bantu Women39s League (BWL), also had close links with the Industrial and Commercial Workers39 Union (ICU). The ICU was very influential in channeling African political aspirations in the 1920s, although thereafter it faded from the scene. In the 1920s women also became involved in the early Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA). Its radical socialist ideas drew many African supporters in the industrial sector. Prominent women members were Ray Alexander, Mary Wolton and Josie Palmer. However, the CPSA, with its extreme socialism and radical class analysis dictated by the Communist International, fell out with the more enlightened and cautious, consultative approach of the ANC. The CPSA went into decline in the late 1930s, and was later reconstituted (in 1953) as the less extreme South African Communist Party (SACP). The SACP then declared itself willing to co-operate with the ANC and SAIC to bring about political change. Women and rural activism: The Herschel district in the 1920s It was not only in the towns that women became more assertive and pro-active. Historian William Beinart has researched the role of African women in rural politics in the Herschel district of the eastern Cape in the 1920s and 1930s (Bozzoli 1987: 324-357). The increasing level of male migrancy in the region had left many of the women in this remote rural area poverty-stricken and unable to feed their families. The women were dissatisfied with their treatment at the hands of the local traders to whom they sold their surplus produce (such as maize, sorghum and wheat) and from whom they purchased their basic commodities. The trading was completely unregulated and according to the women, the traders kept their prices for produce received extremely low at the same time they raised the prices of the commodities the women had to purchase from them. Bad harvests and drought were followed by years when there were good harvests. To avoid paying higher prices the traders would stockpile produce to see them over the lean years hellip leaving the African families without any cash to purchase basic necessities. The women felt that the traders were taking unfair advantage of their plight and in 1922, under the leadership of local women such as Mrs Annie Sidyiyo, they decided to launch a total boycott of the trading stores. Similar action took place in the Qumbu district. In retaliation the traders had the police charge women who forcibly removed goods that anyone tried to purchase from the stores (thus breaking the boycott). But the arrests and subsequent court appearances merely increased the women39s solidarity. In the end it was the traders who agreed to regulate prices. Women and the Potchefstroom anti-pass campaign, 1928-1930 In Potchefstroom in 1928 the municipal authorities39 demand that women should pay a monthly fee for a lodger39s permits was responsible for determined resistance initiated and led by women. Josie Palmer, a young coloured woman who was a local resident and prominent member of the CPSA took the leading role, and despite the fact that an ANC member, a Mrs Bhola, was also among the main organizers, it is clear that there was considerable Communist Party backing for the initiative. According to Julia Wells there was more militancy, violence and bloodshed than in Bloemfontein (1913) because international communism had influenced the women to join with the men and take the bold step of withdrawing the town39s entire black labour force, leading to a situation of near panic among whites. A mass meeting was held in the location on 16 December 1929 and the organizers urged: lsquoYou have no guns and bombs like your masters but you have your numbers, you have your labour and the power to organize and withhold it39. Violence erupted at the meeting and the police stepped in. Five black people (one of whom later died) were injured in the gunfire as white townspeople squared up against the militant blacks (Wells 1993:73-74). A general strike then followed, continuing until January 1930. The rising popularity of communism in the Potchefstroom location, where there was lsquodire poverty and neglect39 was of great concern to the government and the Department of Native Affairs intervened directly within a year the town women39s demands and the offending legislation was repealed. According to Wells, lsquoPretoria officials recognized that meddling with black women39s status endangered public order, not only because of the protests from the women, but also because of the threat of strike action from their working husbands (Wells 1993: 66-67 73-74). The role of women in the Natal beer riots in 1929 The regulations placed on the brewing of home-made beer in Natal rural districts and small towns in 192829 were the backdrop to another hotbed of resistance on the part of African women. Beer-drinking was a popular social practice among Zulu men, while beer-brewing gave women an opportunity to make a small income and thus allow them to assert their independence. As for the government, it realized that by taking over the informal liquor trade it could curb the women39s aspirations for financial, social and political empowerment and at the same time set up its own beer-canteens. Control over Africans within the reserves and the townships could thus be strengthened. To top it all, a tidy profit could be made to boost funds and put more restrictions in place. With the 1928 Liquor Act in place, police raids duly began. The privacy of homes was invaded houses were wrecked, floors dug up, furniture smashed and liquor confiscated. There were also allegations of sexual harassment by police. Quite apart from the damage to their property, the new regulations hit the women very hard. The production and consumption of utshwala was restricted to municipal canteens. Not only did women lose their income from selling the home-brew, but they also had to watch their husbands using their wages in the canteens, thus making the authorities richer. Moreover the women were enraged that the canteen sold utshwala to its customers at for to five times its cost price. In her article on the beer protests Helen Bradford explains that the women were determined not to be entirely under financial control of the male workers they wanted the opportunity to be independent and this, more than anything else, motivated them to protest (Bradford in Bozzoli 1987: 292-323). They decided to take the matter into their own hands. Backed by the Natal branch of the ICU and joined by some men, they were determined to resist the new regulations, boycott the canteens and force them to close. Bradford claims that the church, and particularly Christianity, was a unifying force among many of the women. One of the main organizers was Ma-Dhlamini who was reputed to be in the forefront of all the demonstrations. In 1929, beginning in Ladysmith, a rash of resistance began to spreading through Natal, focusing on small towns like Weenen, Glencoe, Howick, Dundee. Women marched into the towns in an overtly militant manner, shouting war chants and brandishing their sticks. They raided the canteens and assaulted the male customers. In Durban on 17 June 1929 chaos erupted with 2 000 whites clashing with 6 000 Africans on 17 June 1929. More than 120 people were injured and eight died in the protracted unrest. Cases were heard by local magistrates and some towns issued beer-brewing permits. Sentences were often suspended and a conciliatory approach was followed although some women received harsh sentences. By and large the municipal canteens and the liquor-brewing regulations apparently remained in place. The 1930s - Trade unionism blossoms and women become more assertive crarr The early 1930s were difficult years. There was a worldwide depression and South Africa did not escape its effects. Unemployment soared and there was widespread poverty. Although urban dwellers felt the pinch too, it was the families in the rural areas and particularly those in the reserves that suffered the most. African women struggled to feed their families and often the only option was to go into the towns to look for some means of supplementing the family income often domestic service proved to be the answer. In the 1930s the government made some attempts to stem the flow of African women into the towns, but as women (unlike men) did not yet have to carry compulsory passes, female migration to the towns continued. Many Afrikaners who were still on the land also began to drift into the towns, creating what was called the lsquopoor white39 problem. Urbanisation thus received another boost. Afrikaner women, like their African, Indian and Coloured counterparts, began to enter the labour market in increasing numbers, often finding work in the industrial sector. As women and mothers they had to find a way to escape the endless grind of poverty and give their children a better chance in life. In her article on Afrikaner women in the Garment Workers39 Union (GWU) Vincent (2000:61) quotes a particularly poignant (translated) piece from an Afrikaans trade union newsletter: No beard grows upon my cheeks But in my heart I carry a sword The battle sword for bread and honour Against the poverty which pains my mother hear t. Bread and butter issues motivated women39s to resist in the difficult 1930s. They were primarily concerned with pressing social concerns that affected the entire community: rents, the cost of living, discrimination in the workplace, passes and controls placed on earning a few pennies in the lsquoinformal39 sector. This is why the socialist ideas of the CPSA and the work-oriented trade union movement appealed to women workers across the board. The main movements through which women expressed their growing political awareness in the 1930s were therefore the ANC, the CPSA and the trade union movement. The role of these movements in women39s resistance, tenuous in the late 1920s and 1930s, began to escalate in the 1940s and will be discussed in the next section. Women in the schizophrenic 1940s - World War II and its aftermath crarr The 1940s opened with the devastating Second World War in full swing. This decade also marked the gradual transition from a mining and agricultural economy (before the war) to a flourishing industrial economy with the development of many new secondary industries in its aftermath. By this time the reserves were so depleted that they no longer provided a subsistence base for African families they lived in extreme poverty. Urban blacks in the townships also lived under appalling conditions and Coloured and Indian people fared little better. Walker (1991:71) quotes 1940 statistics showing that 86, 8 of lsquonon-Europeans39 in the urban areas were living below the bread line. Politically, the 1940s were also lsquoschizophrenic39 (showing different faces). The government and the black opposition moved even further apart. This trend was accentuated by significant shifts in both black and white politics. Black politicians became increasingly more militant with the formation, within the ANC, of the Congress Youth League (CYL) in 1943.This group of young, more assertive black leaders were destined to revive the ANC (which had fallen into lethargy in the previous decade) and the CYL began to set the tone for a new spirit of resistance. African women were quick to follow this lead and in 1943 began to press for the formation of a women39s league within the ANC structures so that they, too, could join the struggle against oppression. Black trade unions grew rapidly, fuelled by the growing numbers of urban workers. They were becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the status quo and a number of major strikes and boycotts were held in the 1940s, notably the strike of African mineworkers in 1946. As we shall see, women workers of all races, now a permanent part of the industrial scene, were not slow to play their part in this climate of unrest. Within the trade unions the names of militant working women such as Frances Baard, Lilian Ngoyi and Bertha Mashaba began to be heard. In fact the 1940s and 1950s highlight the changing role of African women, and particularly working-class black women, in South Africa39s political economy. In the 1940s the South African Indian Congress (SAIC) also became more assertive and militant, and in cooperation with the ANC and CPSA took an active part in the growing culture of anti-government resistance. White politics took a dramatic new turn in 1948. The National Party won the whites-only election in 1948 and began systematically to entrench its control. The segregation policies of previous white governments now hardened into the birth of the apartheid regime and as the 1940s gave way to the 1950s the government began to implement a wide range of oppressive apartheid legislation, including attempts to control the mobility of African women and create a stable urban proletariat. The stage was thus set for popular resistance that was to last until 1994 - resistance in which women played an important part. Women, the war, and grassroots protests in the 1940s During the war the cost of living soared and economic hardship increased and women struggled to feed their families. Women in the sprawling squatter camps or informal settlements on the outskirts of the urban areas took on a variety of informal jobs in order to survive. And it was clear that in such dire poverty these women were becoming more politicised. Walker (1991:73-76) claims that most political organisation among women took place at community level and she calls these lsquograssroots protests39. In Cape Town Women39s Food Committees were formed that had links with the trade unions and the CPSA and demonstrated outside parliament about inadequate food supplies. In Johannesburg, women formed the People39s Food Council in 1943 in an effort to improve the distribution of food among other activities it held a conference on the food situation and organised raids on Fordsburg shopkeepers who were suspected of hoarding food. In 1943 the residents (including many women) of Alexandra Township challenged an increase in the bus fare into Johannesburg and boycotted the buses until the bus company relented. Women were active in a number of squatter movements in and around the cities. In Cape Town, Dora Tamana, with CPSA cooperation, organised activism in a squatter camp called Blouvlei. And near Johannesburg black women applauded and supported James Mpanza39s establishment of Shantytown in 1944 in defiance of the regulations against squatting. The Alexandra Women39s Council (AWC) was established at about this time too, and became active in issues relating to housing and squatting. Women also organised a march through Johannesburg in 1947 to protest against the housing shortage, a campaign in which Julia Mpanze was prominent. The restrictions on the home-brewing of beer also roused women into taking action against the authorities. There was unrest in Springs in 1945 when local women, with CPSA backing, organised a boycott of the municipal canteens. This led to police action and many of those who were arrested were women. The ANC Women39s League Part of the rejuvenation process of the ANC in the 1940s was to build up mass membership and the role of women and their potential as a powerful agent of change was at last recognised. Previously women had not been accepted as full members but at an ANC conference held in 1943 it was decided that this should change. At the same time the ANC Women39s League (ANCWL) was formed as a sub-section of the ANC, with Madie Hall-Xuma as its first president. All female members of the ANC thus became ANCWL members. It was also made clear from its establishment that the national struggle for freedom rather than women39s rights would be its focus. Nor was the ANC prepared to have the ANCWL become part of a general non-racial women39s movement it was to be an exclusively ANC body. It apparently took some years before the league was fully operational, during which time its activities were confined to the usual lsquowomen39s workrsquo such as fundraising and catering, functions that were supportive rather than innovative. Provincial congresses were only established after the war in the late 1940s, although there are indications that women participated in discussions about the campaign against passes for men (in the 1940s women did not yet have to carry passes themselves) that were held in 1944. But in 1949 the CYL introduced its Programme of Action, a new ANC president took over and this spirit of revival filtered through to the women39s league. Furthermore, the dynamic Ida Mtwana took over the leadership. Provincial branches of the ANCWL were established, incorporating township women countrywide working-class women with their trade union background also brought a more assertive and impatient attitude into the ANCWL. In 1950 rumours were also rife that the new government was planning to enforce much tighter control of African women39s mobility ndash in other words to make women, like the men, carry the dreaded passes. This news set off a wave of anger that boosted the ANCWL39s profile as a viable resistance organisation. We shall see how the ANCWL expanded in influence and effectiveness in the rising tide of black resistance of the 1950s. Indian women and passive resistance in the 1940s Although Indian women had become involved in Gandhi39s passive resistance of 1913 they did not attempt to form any long-term women39s organisations or play an overt political role again until the 1940s. The SAIC also experienced a period of relative inactivity until the Second World War. The war itself had a radicalising impact on the SAIC and as had happened in the ANC, more assertive leaders took over from the old guard of the SAIC. In 1946 the new leadership challenged the harsh, segregationist Asiatic Land Tenure and Representation Act (the so-called Ghetto Act) that was passed by the government. This law established separate areas of land tenure in Natal towns and placed severe restrictions on Indian settlement. It offered Indians a very insignificant form of lsquorepresentation39 in appeasement, but this was promptly rejected. The SAIC decided to capitalise on the wave of anger that had arisen in the Indian community and launched a campaign of passive resistance. The campaign had an important impact on Indian women, initiating a new political activism in their ranks. Dr Goonam, a young medical doctor, was the main organiser, and in March 1946 a well-attended meeting of Indian women was held. Goonam, Fatima Meer and Mrs NP Desai were the speakers. The women pledged their support for the initiative and many women volunteered. Zainab Asvat, a young medical student was one of the women among the group who set up camp on 13 June 1946 on the plot at the corner of Umbilo Road and Gale Street. They proposed to live there in tents until such time as they were arrested. There were eighteen resisters, six of whom were women: Zainab Asvat, Zohra Bhayat, Amina Pahad, Zubeida Patel of Johannesburg and Mrs Lakshmi Govender and Mrs Veeramah Pather of Durban. Dr GM Naicker, President of the NIC and MD Naidoo, Secretary of the NIC, were the leaders of the group. On the night of Sunday, 16 June, white hooligans overran the camp. After this attack, the leaders asked the women to leave the camp but they refused to go. At a subsequent meeting Zainab Asvat made a fiery speech in which she denounced the violence, denounced discriminatory laws, affirmed the resisters39 commitment and appealed to the people to remain calm but to take note of the circumstances. Zainab was arrested and released later the same night. Her courage and determination were inspirational and several women joined in the campaign. Other Indian women who took a leading role were Mrs Veeramah Pather, Miss Khatija Mayet, Dr K. Goonam and Miss Zohra Meer. In July 1946, Zainab again led a batch of resisters, was arrested, sent to prison for three months. Zainab, Mrs PK Naidoo and Miss Suriakala Patel, were later elected to the Transvaal Indian Congress Committee. Goonam deputised on several occasions while senior NIC men were overseas, and later became the vice-president. These prominent Indian women also made contact with women in the CPSA and the ANC and were drawn into women39s issues like the anti-pass campaign. Amina Cachalia, sister of Zainap Asvat, and Fatima Meer became particularly prominent in the 1950s when women across the race spectrum united under the banner of the Congress Alliance. The turbulent 1950s - Women as defiant activists crarr In the 1950s the government39s increasingly repressive policies began to pose a direct threat to all people of colour, and there was a surge of mass political action by blacks in defiant response. The 1950s certainly proved to be a turbulent decade. We shall see that women were prominent in virtually all these avenues of protest, but to none were they more committed than the anti-pass campaign. Women and the anti-pass campaign 1950-1953 The apartheid regime39s influx control measures and pass laws were what women feared the most and reacted to most vehemently. Their fears were not unfounded. In 1952 the Native Laws Amendment Act tightened influx control, making it an offence for any African (including women) to be in any urban area for more than 72 hours unless in possession of the necessary documentation. The only women who could live legally in the townships were the wives and unmarried daughters of the African men who were eligible for permanent residence. In the same year the Natives (Abolition of Passes and Coordination of Documents Act) was passed. In terms of this act the many different documents African men had been required to carry were replaced by a single one - the reference book - which gave details of the holder39s identity, employment, place of legal residence, payment of taxes, and, if applicable, permission to be in the urban areas. The act further stipulated that African women, at an unspecified date in the near future, would for the first time be required to carry reference books. Women were enraged by this direct threat to their freedom of movement and their anti-pass campaign, as Walker puts it lsquowas one of the most vociferous and effective protest campaigns of any at the time39 (1991:125). Protests started as early as 1950 when rumours of the new legislation were leaked in the press. Meetings and demonstrations were held in a number of centres including Langa, Uitenhage, East London, Cape Town and Pietermaritzburg. In the Durban protests in March 1950, Bertha Mkize of the ANCWL was a leading figure, while in Port Elizabeth Florence Matomela (the provincial president of the ANCWL) led a demonstration in which passes were burnt. By 1953 there were still sporadic demonstrations taking place and these accelerated when local officials began to enforce the new pass regulations. Reaction was swift and hostile. On 4 January 1953, hundreds of African men and women assembled in the Langa township outside Cape Town to protest against the new laws. Delivering a fiery speech to the crowd Dora Tamana, a member of the ANC Women39s League and later a founding member of the Federation of South African Women, declared: We women will never carry these passes. This is something that touches my heart. I appeal to you young Africans to come forward and fight. These passes make the road even narrower for us. We have seen unemployment, lack of accommodation and families broken because of passes. We have seen it with our men. Who will look after our children when we go to jail for a small technical offence - not having a pass The Defiance Campaign is launched and women step forward In June 1952 the ANC and SAIC initiated a cooperative initiative known as the Defiance Campaign. Radical tactics of defiance were to be employed to exert pressure on the government. This was in line with the ANC39s declared lsquoProgramme of Action39 of 1949. Volunteers from the ANC and SAIC (the CPSA had disbanded in 1950) began to publicly defy discriminatory laws and invite arrest, filling the jails and over-extending the judicial system. Women were prominent in many of these defiant incidents. Florence Matomela was among 35 activists arrested in Port Elizabeth and Bibi Dawood recruited 800 volunteers in Worcester. Fatima Meer, an Indian woman, was arrested for her role in the unrest and was subsequently banned. Another woman to come to the fore during the Defiance Campaign was Lilian Ngoyi, who later became president of both the ANCWL and FSAW. She had previously kept a very low profile and been involved in church-related organisations, but the Defiance Campaign made her realize that only by adopting a more aggressive and militant approach would the government be fully aware of the commitment of women to the national struggle for freedom. Women39s involvement in the Defiance Campaign certainly proved to be an important stimulus in their political development across the board. It not only strengthened the ANCWL but also motivated women to establish the FSAW. The Federation of South African Women (FSAW or FEDSAW) Three important female activists were in Port Elizabeth in April 1953 at the time when the Defiance Campaign was underway and there was widespread political unrest in the region. Influx control measures had just been implemented in the region a few months before and had created a storm of protest from the people. The three women were Florence Matomela (eastern Cape president of the ANCWL), Frances Baard, who was a leading local figure in the Food and Canning Worker39s Union (FCWU) and Ray Alexander, the general secretary of the FCWU, who was in Port Elizabeth to attend a trade union conference. The three decided among themselves that the time was right to call women to a meeting to discuss the formation of a national women39s organization. No record was kept of the informal meeting held that same evening, but Ray Alexander later said that it had been attended by about 40 women. Other than Alexander, a Mrs Pillay, a Miss Damons and Gus Coe, most of the women were Africans. Although from various different organizations all the women were committed to the Congress Alliance and the Defiance Campaign that had been initiated the previous year. Ray Alexander pointed out the advantages of an umbrella body that would devise a national strategy to fight against the issues of importance to women: every-day matters such as rising food and transport costs, passes and influx control. The women were enthusiastic in their response and Ray Alexander was asked to pursue the matter further. Ray Alexander was based in Cape Town so the planning for the initial conference was done there. Hilda Watts (Bernstein), also a communist and an experienced political campaigner, was asked to handle the Johannesburg wing of the committee. Subsequently Johannesburg and Cape Town were to become the main FSAW centres. An energetic, skilled organizer who had been a tireless campaigner for women39s rights since the 1930s, Ray Alexander was the ideal woman for the job. She co-opted a number of influential women country-wide to help her but her individual contribution was enormous. All the major organizations were represented in her lsquowomen39s committee39 including the ANC Women39s Leaguers, trade unionists, members of the SAIC, of the Transvaal All-Women39s Union and of the Congress of Democrats(COD). The COD had been formed when the CPSA had disbanded in 1950 it thus included many of the ex-Communist Party members. The committee met regularly to plan the coming conference. Other notable women involved were Ida Mtwana (ANC Women39s League), Josie Palmer (ex-CPSA and Transvaal All-Women39s Union), Helen Joseph (COD), Amina Cachalia and Mrs M Naidoo (SAIC) and three trade unionists: Bettie du Toit, Lucy Mvubelo and Hetty du Preez. Ray Alexander also went to Durban to coordinate plans with women in Natal, where Dr K Goonam, Fatima Meer and Fatima Seedat of the SAIC and Bertha Mkize and Henrietta Ostrich of the ANC, were consulted for their views. Invitations to the inaugural conference of the FSAW were sent out in March 1954, signed by 63 women who supported the aims of the Congress Alliance. The Federation of South African Women (FEDSAW or FSAW) was launched on 17 April 1954 in the Trades Hall in Johannesburg, and was the first attempt to establish a national, broad-based women39s organisation. One hundred and forty-six delegates, representing 230,000 women from all parts of South Africa, attended the founding conference and pledged their support for the broadly-based objectives of the Congress Alliance. The specific aims of FSAW were to bring the women of South Africa together to secure full equality of opportunity for all women, regardless of race, colour or creed, as well as to remove their social, legal and economic disabilities. A draft Women39s Charter was presented by Hilda Bernstein, and in complete identification with the national liberation movement as represented by the Congress Alliance, the Women39s Charter called for the enfranchisement of men and women of all races for equality of opportunity in employment equal pay for equal work equal rights in relation to property, marriage and children and the removal of all laws and customs that denied women such equality. It further demanded paid maternity leave, childcare for working mothers, and free and compulsory education for all South African children. These demands were later incorporated into the Freedom Charter that was adopted by the Congress of the People, held in Kliptown near Johannesburg, from 25-26 June 1955. The administrative groundwork of the newly-established FSAW evolved over the months that followed, but a national executive committee was formed at the inaugural conference in April 1954. Ida Mtwana was elected as national president (she was also the presiding ANCWL president), which indicated the key role the ANC (the senior partner of the Democratic Alliance) was destined to play in the new organisation. Ray Alexander became the national secretary and the vice presidents were Gladys Smith, Lilian Ngoyi, Bertha Mkize and Florence Matomela. The women were unanimous in their opinion that the inaugural conference had been an unqualified success. On Hilda Watts39 suggestion men volunteers had been assigned the catering responsibilities for the conference. This was symbolic. As Ida Mtwana put it: lsquoGone are the days when the place of women was in the kitchen and looking after the children. Today they are marching side by side with men in the road to freedom39 ( Walker 1991:154). Women39s role in the Congress of the People and the Freedom Charter By the time the FSAW had been established in 1954 the Defiance Campaign had fizzled out. This is not to say that it had failed, despite it shortcomings. But the government had weathered the defiance and was introducing yet more of its apartheid measures with persistent vigour. It became clear that the national liberation movement needed to adopt a new initiative. The Congress Alliance began to organise the Congress of the People once again women were destined to play an important role. This despite the fact that many of the leading women activists in the ANCWL and FSAW including Ray Alexander, were banned and had to cut their ties with the organisation. In August 1954 the Congress Alliance asked the FSAW to assist in organising the Congress of the People and the women agreed with enthusiasm. They were to help organise local bodies and recruit new grassroots support for the Alliance by holding house meetings and local conferences. This they did with great success in the opening months of 1955. In addition they took on the huge task of arranging accommodation for the more than 2 000 expected delegates. Their input gave the women an opportunity to lobby for the incorporation of some of their demands into the Freedom Charter adopted at the mass meeting. Walker (1991:183) shows that although the FSAW was closely involved in the planning of the Congress of the People, women only played a limited role in the actual meeting. On 25-26 June 1955 nearly 3 000 delegates gathered at Kliptown. There were 721 women delegates in the official tally of 2 848 ndash in other words only about a quarter of the delegates at the Congress of the People were women. There were a few women, including Sonia Bunting, who spoke from the floor, but Helen Joseph, who was the FSAW39s Transvaal secretary, was the only female platform speaker. The clause that she proposed on behalf of women, that of the need for lsquohouses, security and comfort39, including free medical treatment for mothers and young children, was in fact subsequently included in the Freedom Charter. Frances Baard, a prominent trade unionist and member of the executive committee of the FSAW, was involved in the compilation of the Freedom Charter. In September 1955 the protest against the imposition of passes for women became the primary concern for the ANCWL and the FSAW but for black women across the board. This anti-pass campaign peaked with a massive demonstration of lsquowomen39s power39 in August 1956. After the Pretoria march the campaign continued until the end of the 1950s, with in Zeerust in 1957, Johannesburg in 1958 and Natal in 1959. In 1960, as will be seen, FSAW39s plans were abruptly halted in the wake of the Sharpeville unrest when the government banned the ANC. FSAW had been dealt a severe blow. In December 1956 several female activists were involved in another high profile incident. In a determined effort to try to curtail the national liberation movement, the government rounded up and arrested 156 leaders of the Congress Alliance. Among those detained were leading women such as Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Annie Silinga and Francis Baard. They were accused of plotting to overthrow the government, and were tried in the infamous Treason Trial that lasted for four and a half years. During this protracted period women of the FSAW and ANCWL helped to organise support for the treason trialists and their families. The women39s 1955 anti-pass campaign In September 1955 the issue of passes burst into the public eye again when the government announced that it would start issuing reference books to black women from January 1956. Women, now politicised and well-organised into a powerful resistance movement, immediately rose to the challenge. No longer were they merely regarded as mothers, bound to the home they were independent and assertive adult South Africans. Passes threatened their basic rights of freedom and family life and they were going to resist them with everything they had. They were unequivocal in their message to the government: We shall not rest until ALL pass laws and all forms of permits restricting our freedoms have been abolished. We shall not rest until we have won for our children their fundamental rights of freedom, justice and security. As Walker puts it, the anti-pass protests by women in the 1950s were a good indication that they had thrown off the shackles of the past. The demonstrations that the women launched were, in her view, lsquoprobably the most successful and militant of any resistance campaign mounted at that time39. She sees them as the lsquopolitical highpoint of 1956, not only for the women who took part but for the entire Congress Alliance39 (Walker 1991). The Federation of South African Women (FSAW) that had been formed the previous year was beginning to assert itself by 1955. It was by now an accepted organisation within the ambit of the Congress Alliance, regional branches had been set up and mass membership was growing throughout the country. Furthermore it had links with other major women39s organisations including the powerful ANC Women39s League (ANCWL). A march to Pretoria to present women39s grievances had been mooted in August 1955, and when the pass issue came to the fore in September the scale and urgency of the demonstration increased dramatically. The demonstration took place on 27 October 1955, and was a great success. This was despite organisational difficulties ndash including police intimidation, and the banning of Josie Palmer, one of the main organisers, a week before the date of the gathering. Furthermore, in addition to police action, the government had been as obstructionist as it could. The then Minister of Native Affairs, HF Verwoerd, under whose jurisdiction the pass laws fell, pointedly refused to receive any multiracial delegation. Pretoria City Council refused the women permission to hold the meeting and saw to it that public transport was stalled to make it difficult for the women to get to the Pretoria venue. Private transport had to be arranged and evasive tactics adopted for a multitude of other obstructionist measures launched by the authorities. In the circumstances it was surprising, and very gratifying to the organisers that a crowd of between 1 000 and 2 000 women gathered in the grounds of the Union Buildings in Pretoria. Although the majority were African women, White, Coloured and Indian women also attended. The crowd, most of whom came from the Rand towns, was orderly and dignified throughout the proceedings. They handed their bundles of signed petitions to Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Rahima Moosa and Sophie Williams, the main organisers, who deposited them at the ministers39 office doors. In the aftermath of the demonstration the government tried to downplay its influence by alleging (erroneously) that the meeting had only been successful because the organisation had been in the hands of white women. That black women of the FSAW and ANCWL had in fact played a central role was evident when a few months later Lilian Ngoyi became the first woman to be elected to the national executive of the ANC (Walker 1991). Preparations for the 1956 Women39s March The success of the October 1955 gathering was highly motivating and buoyed up the women to capitalise on their success. From 1955 onwards the pass issue became the single most important focus of their militancy. The ANC, as the major anti-government party identified itself closely with the campaign reiterating that the pass struggle lsquowas not one for women alone, but for all African people39. But at its annual conference of 1955, but did not appear to have a specific strategy in mind. In marked contrast the FSAW immediately set about working on a plan of meetings, demonstrations, and local initiatives. The women, carried along by a mass following of females countrywide, recognised the authority of the ANC but were not prepared to delay their own preparations. Meetings held across the country on the anti-pass ticket proved to be remarkably successful, and were attended by huge crowds. Meetings in Free State towns in late 1955 and in Port Elizabeth in January 1956, Johannesburg in March 1956 and those in Durban, East London Cape Town and Germiston all went off well. The mood was militant, with Annie Silinga declaring: lsquowe women are prepared to fight these passes until victory is ours39 ( Walker 1991:191). In reply the government threatened reprisals, but when it finally began issuing reference books it did so unobtrusively, starting in white agricultural areas and smaller towns, choosing Winburg in the Free State, where FSAW presence was minimal and the women were not well-informed. Here, on 22 March 1956, they issued 1 429 black women with reference books and met with little reaction. Senior ANC officials were thereupon designated to go to Winburg immediately and Lilian Ngoyi and several men arrived in the town the next week and addressed the women. Inspired by the presence of Ngoyi, who was an excellent orator, the local women defiantly marched into town and publicly burnt their new reference books outside the magistrate39s office. The authorities reacted swiftly the offenders were arrested and charged. Subsequently it was reported that their monthly pensions would not be paid to them unless they could produce their reference books. Again there was a wave of protest from all parts of the country, and anti-pass demonstrations were held in 38 different venues. The authorities continued to send out their units to issue the hated reference books. It was unwelcome news to the FSAW organisers that the government was persevering and that by September 1956 it had visited 37 small centres and succeeded in issuing 23 000 books. Although none of the major ANC strongholds had been visited and women throughout the country were in militant mood, it was clear that drastic action would have to be taken and fast. It decided to organise another massive march to Pretoria. This time women would come from all parts of the country, not just the Rand. They vowed that the prime minister, JG Strijdom, would be left in no doubt about how the women felt about having to carry passes. The organization of this event was to culminate in the 1956 Womenrsquos March. We have put together a special page on this event. 1956 - The Women39s March: Pretoria, 9 August lsquoStrijdom, you have tampered with the women, You have struck a rock.39So runs the song composed to mark this historic occasion By the middle of 1956 plans had been laid for the Pretoria march and the FSAW had written to request that JG Strijdom, the current prime minister, meet with their leaders so they could present their point of view. The request was refused. The ANC then sent Helen Joseph and Bertha Mashaba on a tour of the main urban areas, accompanied by Robert Resha of the ANC and Norman Levy of the Congress of Democrats (COD). The plan was to consult with local leaders who would then make arrangements to send delegates to the mass gathering in August. The Women39s March was a spectacular success. Women from all parts of the country arrived in Pretoria, some from as far afield as Cape Town and Port Elizabeth. They then flocked to the Union Buildings in a determined yet orderly manner. Estimates of the number of women delegates ranged from 10 000 to 20 000, with FSAW claiming that it was the biggest demonstration yet held. They filled the entire amphitheatre in the bow of the graceful Herbert Baker building. Walker describes the impressive scene: Many of the African women wore traditional dress, others wore the Congress colours, green, black and gold Indian women were clothed in white saris. Many women had babies on their backs and some domestic workers brought their white employers39 children along with them. Throughout the demonstration the huge crowd displayed a discipline and dignity that was deeply impressive (Walker 1991:195). Neither the prime minister or any of his senior staff was there to see the women, so as they had done the previous year, the leaders left the huge bundles of signed petitions outside JG Strijdom39s office door. It later transpired that they were removed before he bothered to look at them. Then at Lilian Ngoyi39s suggestion, a masterful tactic, the huge crowd stood in absolute silence for a full half hour. Before leaving (again in exemplary fashion) the women sang lsquoNkosi sikeleli Afrika39. Without exception, those who participated in the event described it as a moving and emotional experience. The FSAW declared that it was a lsquomonumental achievement39. The significance of the Women39s March must be analysed. Women had once again shown that the stereotype of women as politically inept and immature, tied to the home, was outdated and inaccurate. And as they had done the previous year, the Afrikaans press tried to give the impression that it was whites who had lsquorun the show39. This was blatantly untrue. The FSAW and the Congress Alliance gained great prestige form the obvious success of the venture. The FSAW had come of age politically and could no longer be underrated as a recognised organisation ndash a remarkable achievement for a body that was barely 2 years old. The Alliance decided that 9 August would henceforth be celebrated as Women39s Day, and it is now, in the new South Africa, commemorated each year as a national holiday. Passes for African Women The Governments first attempts to force women to carry passes and permits had been a major fiasco. In 1913, government officials in the Orange Free State declared that women living in the urban townships would be required to buy new entry permits each month. In response, the women sent deputations to the Government, collected thousands of signatures on petitions, and organised massive demonstrations to protest the permit requirement. Unrest spread throughout the province and hundreds of women were sent to prison. Civil disobedience and demonstrations continued sporadically for several years. Ultimately the permit requirement was withdrawn. No further attempts were made to require permits or passes for African women until the 1950s. Although laws requiring such documents were enacted in 1952, the Government did not begin issuing permits to women until 1954 and reference books until 1956. The issuing of permits began in the Western Cape, which the Government had designated a quotColoured preference areaquot. Within the boundaries established by the Government, no African workers could be hired unless the Department of Labour determined that Coloured workers were not available. Foreign Africans were to be removed from the area altogether. No new families would be allowed to enter, and women and children who did not qualify to remain would be sent back to the reserves. The entrance of the migrant labourers would henceforth be strictly controlled. Male heads of households, whose families had been endorsed out or prevented from entering the area, were housed with migrant workers in single-sex hostels. The availability of family accommodations was so limited that the number of units built lagged far behind the natural increase in population. In order to enforce such drastic influx control measures, the Government needed a means of identifying women who had no legal right to remain in the Western Cape. According to the terms of the Native Laws Amendment Act, women with Section 10(1)(a), (b), or (c) status were not compelled to carry permits. Theoretically, only women in the Section 10(1)(d) category - that is, work-seekers or women with special permission to remain in the urban area - were required to possess such documents. In spite of their legal exemption, women with Section 10(1)(a), (b), and (c) rights were issued permits by local authorities which claimed that the documents were for their own protection. Any woman who could not prove her (a), (b), or (c) status was liable to arrest and deportation. Soon after permits were issued to women in the Western Cape, local officials began to enforce the regulations throughout the Union. Reaction to the new system was swift and hostile. Even before the Western Cape was designated a quotColoured preference areaquot, Africans were preparing for the inevitable. On January 4, 1953, hundreds of African men and women assembled in the Langa township outside Cape Town to protest the impending application of the Native Laws Amendment Act. Delivering a fiery speech to the crowd Dora Tamana, a member of the ANC Womenrsquos League and a founding member of the Federation of South African Women, declared: We, women, will never carry these passes. This is something that touches my heart. I appeal to you young Africans to come forward and fight. These passes make the road even narrower for us. We have seen unemployment, lack of accommodation and families broken because of passes. We have seen it with our men. Who will look after our children when we go to jail for a small technical offence -- not having a pass Passes for African Women Adopted at the Founding Conference of the Federation of South African Women Johannesburg, 17 April 1954 (The Charter expressed the philosophy and aims of the newly established Federation of South African Women (FSAW). It was adopted at the inaugural conference and included in the final report of the conference.) We, the women of South Africa, wives and mothers, working women and housewives, African, Indians, European and Coloured, hereby declare our aim of striving for the removal of all laws, regulations, conventions and customs that discriminate against us as women, and that deprive us in any way of our inherent right to the advantages, responsibilities and opportunities that society offers to any one section of the population. A Single Society: We women do not form a society separate from the men. There is only one society, and it is made up of both women and men. As women we share the problems and anxieties of our men, and join hands with them to remove social evils and obstacles to progress. Test of Civilisation: The level of civilisation which any society has reached can be measured by the degree of freedom that its members enjoy. The status of women is a test of civilisation. Measured by that standard, South Africa must be considered low in the scale of civilised nations. We women share with our menfolk the cares and anxieties imposed by poverty and its evils. As wives and mothers, it falls upon us to make small wages stretch a long way. It is we who feel the cries of our children when they are hungry and sick. It is our lot to keep and care for the homes that are too small, broken and dirty to be kept clean. We know the burden of looking after children and land when our husbands are away in the mines, on the farms, and in the towns earning our daily bread. We know what it is to keep family life going in pondokkies and shanties, or in overcrowded one-room apartments. We know the bitterness of children taken to lawless ways, of daughters becoming unmarried mothers whilst still at school, of boys and girls growing up without education, training or jobs at a living wage. These are evils that need not exist. They exist because the society in which we live is divided into poor and rich, into non-European and European. They exist because there are privileges for the few, discrimination and harsh treatment for the many. We women have stood and will stand shoulder to shoulder with our menfolk in a common struggle against poverty, race and class discrimination, and the evils of the colourbar. As members of the National Liberatory movements and Trade Unions, in and through our various organisations, we march forward with our men in the struggle for liberation and the defence of the working people. We pledge ourselves to keep high the banner of equality, fraternity and liberty. As women there rests upon us also the burden of removing from our society all the social differences developed in past times between men and women, which have the effect of keeping our sex in a position of inferiority and subordination. We resolve to struggle for the removal of laws and customs that deny African women the right to own, inherit or alienate property. We resolve to work for a change in the laws of marriage such as are found amongst our African, Malay and Indian people, which have the effect of placing wives in the position of legal subjection to husbands, and giving husbands the power to dispose of wives39 property and earnings, and dictate to them in all matters affecting them and their children. We recognise that the women are treated as minors by these marriage and property laws because of ancient and revered traditions and customs which had their origin in the antiquity of the people and no doubt served purposes of great value in bygone times. There was a time in the African society when every woman reaching marriageable stage was assured of a husband, home, land and security. Then husbands and wives with their children belonged to families and clans that supplied most of their own material needs and were largely self-sufficient. Men and women were partners in a compact and closely integrated family unit. Those conditions have gone. The tribal and kinship society to which they belonged has been destroyed as a result of the loss of tribal land, migration of men away from the tribal home, the growth of towns and industries, and the rise of a great body of wage-earners on the farms and in the urban areas, who depend wholly or mainly on wages for a livelihood. Thousands of African women, like Indians, Coloured and European women, are employed today in factories, homes, offices, shops, on farms, in professions as nurses, teachers and the like. As unmarried women, widows or divorcees they have to fend for themselves, often without the assistance of a male relative. Many of them are responsible not only for their own livelihood but also that of their children. Large numbers of women today are in fact the sole breadwinners and heads of their families. Nevertheless, the laws and practices derived from an earlier and different state of society are still applied to them. They are responsible for their own person and their children. Yet the law seeks to enforce upon them the status of a minor. Not only are African, Coloured and Indian women denied political rights, but they are also in many parts of the Union denied the same status as men in such matters as the right to enter into contracts, to own and dispose of property, and to exercise guardianship over their children. Obstacle to Progress: The law has lagged behind the development of society it no longer corresponds to the actual social and economic position of women. The law has become an obstacle to progress of the women, and therefore a brake on the whole of society. This intolerable condition would not be allowed to continue were it not for the refusal of a large section of our menfolk to concede to us women the rights and privileges which they demand for themselves. We shall teach the men that they cannot hope to liberate themselves from the evils of discrimination and prejudice as long as they fail to extend to women complete and unqualified equality in law and in practice. We also recognise that large numbers of our womenfolk continue to be bound by traditional practices and conventions, and fail to realise that these have become obsolete and a brake on progress. It is our duty and privilege to enlist all women in our struggle for emancipation and to bring to them all realisation of the intimate relationship that exists between their status of inferiority as women and the inferior status to which their people are subjected by discriminatory laws and colour prejudices. It is our intention to carry out a nation-wide programme of education that will bring home to the men and women of all national groups the realisation that freedom cannot be won for any one section or for the people as a whole as long as we women are kept in bondage. We women appeal to all progressive organisations, to members of the great National Liberatory movements, to the trade unions and working class organisations, to the churches, educational and welfare organisations, to all progressive men and women who have the interests of the people at heart, to join with us in this great and noble endeavour. We declare the following aims: This organisation is formed for the purpose of uniting women in common action for the removal of all political, legal, economic and social disabilities. We shall strive for women to obtain: The right to vote and to be elected to all State bodies, without restriction or discrimination. The right to full opportunities for employment with equal pay and possibilities of promotion in all spheres of work. Equal rights with men in relation to property, marriage and children, and for the removal of all laws and customs that deny women such equal rights. For the development of every child through free compulsory education for all for the protection of mother and child through maternity homes, welfare clinics, creches and nursery schools, in countryside and towns through proper homes for all, and through the provision of water, light, transport, sanitation, and other amenities of modern civilisation. For the removal of all laws that restrict free movement, that prevent or hinder the right of free association and activity in democratic organisations, and the right to participate in the work of these organisations. To build and strengthen women39s sections in the National Liberatory movements, the organisation of women in trade unions, and through the peoples39 varied organisation. To cooperate with all other organisations that have similar aims in South Africa as well as throughout the world. To strive for permanent peace throughout the world. Women39s March Interviews In the year, 2000, four young oral historians interviewed fourteen women who participated in the 1956 March. Here are extracts from three interviews. In the year, 2000, four young oral historians interviewed fourteen women who participated in the 1956 March. Here are extracts from three interviews (Q: Indicates interviewer39s question) Interview One: Dorothy Masenya (DM) (Interviewed in English) Q: What motivated you to, finally, say ldquoI39m taking the government with its horns I39m facing the bull with its hornsrdquo What motivated you to take part in the March itself DM: Well I felt as an African woman I should to do something. I39m Black when I feel to be. What will I have done for the nation, yes Q: So you felt you were concerned DM: I was very concerned, directly, because this would come down even with our descendants. Q: How did the women get to Pretoria DM: Yes, we all converged, other people from other centres, Johannesburg. They were coming by trains and thing like that Springs, East Rand and things like thathellip In fact old people older people were given lifts by the patronage from Johannesburg and other countries. But we were a big force. Also from Lady Selbourne. We had a very big force to join the others. We met somewhere in town there hellip Did we meet at Boom Street Boom and Andries but not very far from the hospital there that. Q: Can you just give us briefly what was the mood How did you feel DM: (laughter) We because now, really, we had never carried passes. We were all enthusiastic to get there and see this Boer bass and tell him that we are not going to carry those things. So there were the ladies oh Mrs Moodley, Helen, Lilian Ngoyi, oh they were very many I remember hellip. oh ja Bertha Mashaba, hellip Amina Cachalia. Yes she was young ladyhellip. We had so many things to talk about really. As I say, in fact we wanted to see whether were these were we gong to be arrested, or where would they find a prison to fill up this entire mob. You see that was the big idea o a bona you see if they arrest one we all walk in and no turning back. We are all just there for hellip. So instead, really they gave us a way out. Nobody was arrested on that day. Interview Two: Caroline Motsoaledi (CM) (Interviewed in Northern Sotho and translated into English) Q: Can you explain a little bit about the March, how it was organized, how did you organize the women, where did you get transport money to Pretoria CM: We use to convene meetings now and then at Mzimhlophe. Many people organized at their own branches. We were using trains for transport, to Pretoria. We walked to the Union Building we sat in the garden. Our leaders went inside the building to submit memorandum to Strijdom but they did not find him. There was no one to receive and read the memorandum. Our leaders called us into the courtyard. Interview Three: Magdalene Matshadi Tsoane (MT) and Rahaba Mahlakedi Moeketsi (RM) (Interviewed together in Northern Sotho and translated into English) Q: How did you feel as you were mixed according to race RM: I can say I was happy to work with different people but the people I have enjoyed most were the Indians. I have many friends in India. People like Amina Cachalia were there. MT: We also worked very closely with people like Lilian Ngoyi and many more. During the march we were together with Ma-Moeketsi and others. I was always with Ma-Moeketsi. Q: Can you tell us a little bit about the South African Federation of Women RM: I am the one who was the member of that organization. I was working with many white women in this organization. We use to attend meetings in Johannesburg. Q: Were you not afraid for your children during the 1956 March RM: No, we had our children on our backs during the March. Many women had their children with them during the March. Some were carrying the white children with them, those who were working for whites. Q: Tell us about the songs you sung. MT: We were singing the song, which says 39Verwoerd, the black people will kill you and we do not want Bantu Education39(quotVerwoerd, batho ba bantsho ba tlo go bolaya and gape ga re batle Bantu Education). And the song was saying: 39If you strike a woman, you strike a rock39(39Wathint39aBafazi, waThint39iMbokodo39) Q: Can you sing one song for us RM and MT: Yes it goes like this Singing quotForward we go to Pretoria, Forward we go to Pretoriaquot.(Yona ere: quotPele re aya Pretoria, pele re aya Pretoriaquot.) FEDSAW anti-pass flyer quotRepeal the Pass Laws. A Great Demonstration to Parliament. quot Flyer issued by the Federation of South African Women and the ANC Women39s League (Cape Western), Repeal the Pass Laws Who knows better than any African woman what it means to have a husband who must carry a pass The women know that: PASSES MEAN PRISON PASSES MEAN BROKEN HOMES PASSES MEAN SUFFERING AND MISERY FOR EVERY AFRICAN FAMILY IN OUR COUNTRY PASSES ARE JUST ANOTHER WAY IN WHICH THE GOVERNMENT MAKES SLAVES OF THE AFRICANS PASSES MEAN HUNGER AND UNEMPLOYMENT PASSES ARE AN INSULT. And the Government is trying to force our WOMEN to carry passes too. No woman is fooled by the quotReference Book. quot We know that this is the same as a pass. If a woman is found without this book or if all the papers inside are not in order, she will be pushed into the Kwela-Kwela and taken to gaol. Her children will be left motherless. TO PAY 36 FOR THIS 3939REFERENCE BOOK3939 IS TO BUY SLAVERY Why should women carry passes The Government has tried to make women carry passes for many years and each time the women have given their answer. By standing united, protesting with one voice and organising all areas around this wicked law, the women are trying to achieve the abolition of the pass law system with its vicious attack on their liberty. AS IN THE BUS BOYCOTT, THE GOVERNMENT MUST FAIL THIS TIME TOO. Women of South Africa will always oppose the carrying of passes. With all our strength we must fight against this attack on ourselves, our mothers, sisters, children and families. EVERY WOMAN MUST SIGN A PLEDGE. STATING HER FIRM OPPOSITION TO THE PASS SYSTEM. Let us pledge ourselves to end the whole pass system--for men as well as for women Let us have the biggest demonstration of women ever held. Let us show Verwoerd that we will never bow down to his brutality. DOWN WITH THE PASS SYSTEM Passes are passports to prisons. LET US GIVE THE GOVERNMENT THE ANSWER BY HOLDlNG: A GREAT DEMONSTRATION TO PARLIAMENT on THURSDAY, 13th JUNE, 1957, at 2 p. m. Meeting Place at Medical Centre, Dock Road (Bottom of St. George39s Street), Cape Town Issued by: Federation of SA Woment and the ANC Women39s League (Cape Western), PO Box 2706, Cape Town. Printed by Pioneer Press (pty.) Ltd. Forgate Street, Woodstock, Cape Source: From Protest to Challenge, A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa 1882-1964, Edited by Thomas Karis and Gwendolin Carter, Vol.3, p.403, Challenge and Violence 1953-1964, Thomas Karis and Gail M Gerhart, Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1977. Women39s resistance in the 1960s - Sharpeville and its aftermath crarr Sharpeville Massacre. Running from the violence after police open fire on the protesters. October 1960. copy Private collection, Franco Fuscure. As the 1950s gave way to the 1960s the ANC and PAC both announced plans to tackle the pass laws for blacks (both men and women) with massive protests, civil disobedience and pass burnings. There was a sense of rivalry between the two organisations to get their campaigns off the ground first. Suddenly the country was rocked by the events of 21 March in Sharpeville where people had gathered to show the police that they did not have their passes ndash and thus to invite arrest. In the general confusion and escalating tension of the situation, police shot and killed 69 people. World headlines condemned this callous example of unwarranted police repression against unarmed Africans. Predictably, and almost immediately, there was a government crackdown of all black opposition. At a single stroke the national liberation movement was stopped (temporarily, at least) in its tracks and the Congress Alliance was plunged into disarray. The government declared a state of emergency, hundreds of arrests were made and in April 1960 the ANC and newly-formed PAC were banned as lawful political parties. Both organizations were driven underground. By mid-1961 Congress leaders had come to the realization that non-violent methods of resistance had failed and would have to be abandoned the ANC and PAC both established military wings - Umkhonto we Sizwe and Poqo respectively. The new strategy was to turn to violence, to try to harm the economy and to gain publicity for the fact that the ANC was still a viable organization despite being banned. The decline of the Federation of South African Women The banning of the ANC in 1960 threw the FSAW into a hopeless position. It had been conceived on the 1950s model of resistance and it was doomed to flounder in the 1960s. It had not been banned but its ally, the ANC, had been driven underground. The immediate goal was to try to regroup. Its most prominent female leaders, Ngoyi and Joseph, had been detained. Some went into exile and worked for the ANC, such as Ruth Mompati, for example, who became secretary of the ANCWL in Tanzania in 1962. Similarly, Hilda Bernstein escaped to London and became a member of the External Mission and the ANCWL. But those who remained in South Africa were hamstrung because their FSAW structures were no longer in place. In early 1961 it was decided that regional organisers should try to manage resistance at the ground level. Certain regional organisations such as the Federation of Transvaal Women (FEDTRAW), Natal Organisation of Women (NOW) and the United Women39s Congress (UWCO) in the Western Cape, were formed to circumvent the difficulty and try to move ahead. Women like Dorothy Nyembe, who became President of the Natal Rural Areas Committee still played a role at local level. In 1962 she organised anti-government demonstrations among rural women during the Natal Women39s Revolt. By September 1961 the FSAW had made enough ground to hold a reasonably well-attended national conference in Port Elizabeth and Lilian Ngoyi and Helen Joseph were re-elected. Ngoyi was upbeat in her report and her reminder that freedom was not easily won. But bad times were near at hand. In October Ngoyi was banned and confined to Orlando for 5 years. Florence Matomela of the eastern Cape section suffered a similar fate. And in early 1962 there was worse to come. Helen Joseph39s banning order expired but she was served another within a few months, becoming the first person to be confined to house arrest. With the loss of its three main leaders there was no chance of revival. In 1963 the Congress of Democrats (COD) was banned which was another blow for many politically active women. In the next few years more of the leading women were removed from office in the organisation by government orders and arrests. The list included, among others, Albertina Sisulu, Mary Moodley, Amina Cachalia, Liz Abrahams and Bertha Mashaba. In 1965 Ray Alexander went into exile in Zambia. By the mid-1960s the FSAW had declined into obscurity. But the spirit of women39s resistance had not been destroyed. As Walker puts it lsquoAfter a period of apparent dormancy in the late 1960s ndash the result of the massive crackdown of the previous years ndash women began to regroup in the 1970s39 (Walker 1991:275). New resistance stirs: Student activism and Black Consciousness in the 1960s In the vacuum caused by the banning of the ANC and PAC, the late 1960s saw the early rise of a new source of resistance ndash the Black Consciousness Movement. It was black students who took the initiative. They were angered by a snub from the white student body and formed their own organisation, the South African Students39 Organisation (SASO) led by Steve Biko, through which they planned to formulate their own political ideas and strategies. The Black Consciousness ideology is not the issue here, so suffice it to say that its adherents rejected white partnership and sought to emphasise and promote black self-esteem and assertiveness. The movement came to prominence in the 1970s, but the first significant group to identify with Black Consciousness principles was SASO, and it held its first conference in 1969. These black students were studying under very difficult circumstances in university campuses and it is unlikely, although not impossible, that there were many women students among them. Certainly Mamphela Ramphele began her medical studies at the University of Natal in 1967 (where Steve Biko began his in 1966) and it was here that she met and fell in love with Biko, who became the leader of the Black Consciousness Movement. She too was a member of SASO and shared his political convictions. In the 1970s a women39s organization inspired by the Black Consciousness Movement, the Black Women39s Federation, was formed in 1975. Indian women and resistance in the 1960s In the early 1960s the government set up the Indian National Council (NIC) supposedly to act as a link between the minister of Indian Affairs and the Asian community and to make recommendations to the minister. However, the council was seen by the Indians as a stooge of the government and few respected members of the community would accept nomination on what they scathingly called an lsquoapartheid body39. In the late 1950s and the 1960s many Indian families had suffered great hardship under the Group Areas Act. Indians were forcibly made to move from their homes to make way for white development in Natal. Appeals to the authorities met with stubborn indifference. In an effort to show their resistance to these two discriminatory measures Indian women activists staged a march to the Union Buildings in Pretoria in October 1963. Zainab Asvat, who had been so prominent in the Indian passive resistance campaign of 1946, was the main organiser of the march. Most of the women were from Johannesburg and Pretoria. Unlike the previous marches to the Union Buildings, on this march the women were subjected to violence. The police turned dogs on them and baton charged them. Soon after this, Zainab was banned for five years. After her banning expired, she and her husband Dr Kazi, who had also been banned, took exit permits and went to live in London. Zainab Asvat was by no means the only Indian woman who had a high political profile at the time. The following year (1964) another prominent Indian women, Amina Cachalia, was banned for five years for her role in the FSAW. And in 1966 Phyllis Naidoo was banned and detained for ten days for breaking her banning order. Soon afterwards she left South Africa for Lesotho, where she subsequently became the victim of a parcel bomb. Women in the 1970s - Soweto and mounting pressure on the apartheid state crarr During the 1970s, and particularly in the late 1970s after the Soweto uprising of 1976, there was increasing pressure, both internal and international, on the apartheid state. The riots also played an important role in the revival of the ANC and the PAC, both of which had been banned in 1960 and were operating underground. The government had to cope with economic sanctions, military pressure from Cuba and the countries of the Eastern Bloc and diplomatic estrangement from overseas. In this heightened resistance against the state women once again played an important role not only within South Africa but as part of the banned ANC operating from outside the country39s borders. Some, such as Lindiwe Sisulu even joined the armed wing of the ANC. After her release from detention she joined Umkhonto we Sizwe, underwent military training and later specialised in Intelligence. Women and the Black Consciousness Movement in the 1970s 197039S - Steve Bantu Biko with his son, Samora. Steve Biko was the Black Conscience leader, political activist and student leader. (Photograph by Drum photographer copy Baileys Archive). The Black Consciousness Movement, led by Steve Biko, was a new source of resistance that had arisen in the late 1960s among students who formed the student body SASO. The movement increased in significance when the Black People39s Convention (BPC) was established in 1972. A number of women, such as Baleka Kgositsile, Winnie Mandela and Mamphela Ramphele were active in both the Black Consciousness Movement and the ANC underground. Mamphela Ramphele was also involved in child welfare and founded the Zanempilo Community Health Centre near King William39s Town. Later, after her banishment to rural Northern Transvaal, she set up the Isutheng Community Health Programme. In 1975 a group of politically active women headed by Fatima Meer, established the Black Women39s Federation (BWF). Meer became the first president and other executive members were Sally Motlana, Theresa Hendrickse, Kate Jonkers, Deborah Mabelitsa, F. Skhosana, Winnie Mandela. Ann Tomlinson, Merina Nyembezi, Vuyi Moloto, Jeanie Noel and Virginia Gcabashe. A year after the formation of the federation, Fatima Meer was banned. The government also banned a meeting that was to be held by the federation and other anti-apartheid organisations in Durban in protest of Meer39s banning. In 1976 in the aftermath of the Soweto riots, Winnie Mandela set up the Black Parents39 Association (BPA). Both the BWF and the BPA allied themselves to the Black Consciousness Movement. When Biko died in 1977 while being held in detention, a storm of protest arose in the country and there was also increased international condemnation of the regime. All the black consciousness organisations were banned in 1977, including the women39s organisations. The Indian Council revamped as the SAIC: Reaction The National Indian Council set up by the government in the 1960s had been scorned by prominent Indian leaders although it continued to function or some years. The Soweto riots of 1976 had prompted Vorster to make some limited concessions to the political position of Coloureds and Indians. In 1978 legislation provided for a revised body of 40 elected and five nominated members of the Indian community to be called the South African Indian Congress (SAIC). Once again there was only limited support for the idea, most Indians expressing the feeling that universal franchise in a unitary state is what they were holding out for. Progressive Indians, among them women such as Amina Cachalia, Fatima Meer and Ela Gandhi (who had been elected as vice-president of the revived Natal Indian Congress) were opposed to this new form of apartheid and anti-SAIC committees were formed to resist the measure. In 1981 when the Council39s election took place only 10 of the Indian voters cast their votes. Women and labour issues: The trade unions in the 1970s In the 1960s the country39s industrial economy had matured and by the 1970s black workers were becoming increasingly restless about exploitative working conditions. A number of strikes were held (particularly in Natal) in 1973 and between 1973 and 1975 many new trade unions were formed. Women such as Linda Komape and Emma Mashinini were prominent in trade unionism, fighting for the rights of women in the workplace. By 1977 the effects of worldwide criticism and withdrawal of foreign capital led to an economic recession. To counteract widespread worker dissatisfaction Vorster appointed two commissions of enquiry in 1977: the Wiehahn and the Riekert Commissions. Wiehahn recommended that black trade unions should be legalised and that certain forms of job reservation should be scrapped. Riekert made a number of suggestions on allowing urbanised black workers residential rights. Between 1979 and 1982, as result of the legalisation of black trade unions, unionisation of black workers doubled. Black trade unionism was set to become a powerful force in South African politics, which is still the case in South Africa today. Apartheid crumbles - Women in the turmoil of the 1980s crarr Women from the Crossroads squatter camp demonstrate outside parliament demanding protection from Witdoek (white headband vigilantes for the right to rebuild their bent-out hopes). Cape Town. June 1986. copy Guy Tillim. The 1980s saw escalating state repression and mass detentions. In a frenzy of desperate reaction, the government declared a series of back-to-back states of emergency from 1985 to 1987. In 1988 a number of organisations including the UDF and COSATU were restricted. In 1984 PW Botha made a desperate effort to make reforms by introducing the tricameral constitution: three parliaments were set up, one each for whites, Coloureds and Indians. But this was widely rejected by the Coloured and Indian people and seemed doomed to fail from its very inception. Conflict rose to unprecedented heights and even went beyond black-white unrest, with Inkatha clashing with the ANCUDF and breaking their ties. Press freedom was restricted there was turmoil everywhere and South Africa had in effect become a police state. When Botha suffered a stroke in 1989 and FW de Klerk took over it had become abundantly clear that a process of reform had to begin. He released a group of prominent political prisoners, including Walter Sisulu and began to consult with them. Throughout the 1980s women were again at the forefront of the struggle. Prominent female activists like Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi continued to leave the country and go into exile. In 1980 she joined the ANC in Zimbabwe and worked in political structures under Joe Gqabi. She then enlisted in Umkhonto we Sizwe receiving her training in Angola. Other women who had remained in South Africa began to establish women39s organisations again and to align these to the newly-formed UDF, which was widely described as the lsquoANC in disguise39. The United Women39s Congress (UWCO), 1981 As a result of parent39s reactions to the 1976 uprisings and their aftermath, ex-FSAW (Federation of South African Women) members in the Western Cape began organising themselves from as early as 1978 and eventually formed the United Women39s Congress (UWCO) in 1981. The organisation took up campaigns such as child care, the bread price and bus fare increases. Other branches dealt with housing campaigns and launched rent boycotts and also defended children against police brutality. In 1986, the United Women39s Congress joined forces with the Women39s Front, another women39s organisation in the Western Cape. UWCO was one of the few organisations that existed at the time, and it spearheaded the formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF). In 1986 UWCO began a process of re-establishing the Federation of South African Women (FSAW) by uniting with other women39s organisations such as the Natal Organisation of Women (NOW) and the Federation of Transvaal Women (FEDTRAW). The United Democratic Front (UDF), 1983 The UDF was launched in Mitchell39s Plain near Cape Town in 1983. About 600 delegates from more than 230 organisations and a crowd of about 13 000 people converged on the area. There were delegates representing students, youth, worker, civic, women39s, religious, sport and trade union organisations. The gathering was the biggest crowd of anti-apartheid groupings since the mass meetings of the Congress Alliance in the 1950s. The initial aim of the UDF was to oppose the nationalist government39s tricameral parliamentary proposals but in a short time it became the leading anti apartheid political movement within the country, with more than 1,5 million supporters. It mobilised nationwide resistance, led a series of boycotts, and became involved in labour issues. While the UDF was non-aligned, most of its leadership and affiliates were either members of the underground ANC or sympathetic to it. With the unbanning of the ANC in 1990 many of the prominent UDF members joined the ANC. Soon afterwards, the UDF was disbanded. The Natal Organisation of Women (NOW), 1983 The Natal Organisation of Women was formed in December 1983 as one of the affiliates of the UDF. From as early as 1980 women from Durban had been coming together on an annual basis to commemorate August 9th. The organizers of those events discussed the need for an ongoing programme that would unite women and deal with women39s issues. In December 1983 NOW was formed. The first president was Pumzile Mlambo (later to become South Africa39s first female deputy president) while Hersheela Narsee was secretary. The following year Nozizwe Madlala took over as president and Victoria Mxenge was elected as secretary. The main aim of NOW was to fight for the upliftment of women and therefore a constitution that would safeguard women39s rights was formulated. Women were trained and encouraged to take up leadership positions in various fields. NOW also campaigned for better housing at rates that were affordable, and was concerned with pass laws, the lack of proper maternity benefits and child-care. The establishment of NOW was a major factor in the increased role of women in political and civic organizations and in the establishment of the rights of women in the struggle and all spheres of society. With the declaration of the 1986 State of Emergency, and the mass detentions and restrictions on the UDF that followed, NOW activists found themselves filling the leadership vacuum in Natal and spearheaded a number of UDF campaigns that the UDF itself could not carry out. It helped the victims by providing shelter, food and moral support. The organisation was disbanded in 1990. The Federation of Transvaal Women (FEDTRAW), 1984 FEDTRAW was formed in December 1984, bringing together close to 200 women from all over the Transvaal (now Gauteng ). The formation of FEDTRAW was based on the same lines as its mother body the Federation of South African Women (FSAW) and also in commemoration of Women39s Day, August 9th. The women worked together on issues such as high food prices, high rents conscription of men into the army and inadequate child-care facilities. It also focussed on the plight of rural women. The federation supported the families of detainees and the youth in their fight for democratic Student Representative Councils (SRCs), which could fight against sexual harassment at schools and to popularise the Freedom Charter. The Women39s charter was adopted as a working document for FEDTRAW as the demands of women at the time were the same as those made in 1955. Sister Bernard Ncube was elected as first president of the federation, while Albertina Sisulu, Rita Ndzanga, Francis Baard and Maniben Sita were elected as active patrons. Helen Joseph and Winnie Mandela were non-active patrons. Trade Unions in the 1980s: COSATU, 1985 There was an unprecedented level of resistance in factories and black communities in the 1980s over economic and political issues. In fact it was a period in which the highest level of strikes in South African history was recorded. As large-scale political organisations like the UDF emerged it became necessary to form an umbrella federation of trade unions. After protracted negotiations the Congress of South African Trade Unions COSATU was formed in November 1985. At the time of its establishment it had more than 462 000 members and by 1991 this number had grown to more than 1 258 800. The largest proportion of its members came from the manufacturing and mining sectors. The activities of Cosatu became closely linked to the wider liberation struggle. Women like Emma Mashinini were instrumental in its formation. The UDF Women39s Congress, 1987 This women39s organisation was formed in April 1987. Its aims were to uphold the Freedom Charter and the Women39s Charter, both of which were drawn up in the 1950s. The body was formed by all women39s organisations, which were United Democratic Front (UDF) affiliates, and it included women39s co-operatives, the women39s section of youth and civic organisations, unions and church groups. It aimed to teach men and women in the UDF about women39s oppression and to increase women39s skills. It was against any form of discrimination based on sex and was to be a forum to discuss issues effecting women in all UDF organisations. The pre-election period - Women in the early 1990s crarr By the time the 1980s drew to a close the revolt against the government, increased international pressure and the regime39s counter-revolution of oppression had reduced the country to a state of anarchy. Violence escalated in the 1990-1994 period with more than 700 people dying violently in the first eight months of 1990. The economy was in shreds and there was still no real constitutional reform that would give the blacks any meaningful say in government. FW de Klerk realized that reform had to take place and in the March 1992 referendum, 68,6 of the whites who voted gave him the mandate to bring about changes. The unbanning of the ANC, PAC and SACP: Negotiations begin De Klerk promptly announced that several racial laws would be repealed he then released eight political prisoners. On 2 February 1990 the ban on the ANC, PAC and SACP was lifted, and shortly thereafter, because there was no longer any need for a lsquofront39 organization, the UDF was disbanded. De Klerk also announced that all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, were to be released. On 11 February 1990, a memorable day, a smiling Nelson Mandela left prison after 27 years, a free man at last. Negotiations were then initiated in May 1990 at Groote Schuur, Cape Town, to be followed by Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) I and II. However, the course of negotiations is not the issue here. What is more relevant is that women activists began to return to South Africa to take up senior political posts and make an active contribution in the progress towards democracy. Women at the fore again A number of prominent women began to filter back into South Africa where there was no longer any need to conceal their political commitment. Many of them have since taken leading positions in the ANC government. In 1990, for example, Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi returned from exile at request of South African Communist Party (SACP). She subsequently resumed work as personal assistant to Joe Slovo and Chris Hani. In the same year Lindiwe Sisulu returned and began to work for Dr Jacob Zuma, while Gill Marcus took a post in the ANC Department of Information and Publicity. Indian activists Phyllis Naidoo and Shanthivathie (Shanthie) Naidoo, singer Miriam Makeba and trade unionist Ray Alexander also came home. Patricia De Lille was appointed to a senior PAC post while Baleka Kgositsile was elected as Secretary General of the African National Congress Women39s League (ANCWL). In 1991 Winnie Mandela, Albertina Sisulu and Gill Marcus were elected to the National Executive Committee of the ANC and Gertrude Shope became the president of the ANCWL. Gill Marcus was subsequently given the important task of training ANC media workers and voter educators prior to the 1994 elections. She also accompanied Nelson Mandela on his election campaign. The year 1992 saw a crucially important development when women participated in the discussions at the CODESA under the auspices of the Women39s National Coalition (WNC) and Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was chosen to represent women39s views as part of the Gender Advisory Committee. The Women39s National Coalition (WNC) Soon after the unbanning of the ANC and its structures towards the end of 1990, the ANC Women39s League lobbied all the women39s organisations to set up a coalition. The task of this coalition would be to do research, co-ordinate, and draw up a women39s charter based on the priorities and concerns of women from all walks of life throughout the country. The National Women39s Coalition was launched early in 1991, and started working on the Women39s Charter immediately. The charter was completed in 1994 and was handed over to Mandela in parliament. The issues of concern to women that were listed in this women39s charter were then incorporated in the new constitution and into the Bill of Rights. The Women39s National Coalition now focuses on training for parliamentary and local government candidates and community leaders and plays a key role in adult basic education and gender training. The 1994 election - The first democratic general election in South Africa On 27 April 1994 South Africans formed long queues at polling stations throughout the country. A spirit of goodwill prevailed and all violence (contrary to expectations) came to a halt. The result was a landslide victory for the ANC: it gained 62, 65 of the votes and proved to be the most popular party, the only party indeed, to have countrywide popular support. In the National Assembly the ANC therefore held 252 of the 400 seats. Nelson Mandela, as the leader of the ANC, became the new president of South Africa. Soon after the election in 1994, the new Minister of Justice, Dullah Omar, proposed the idea of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The commission was set up in 1995 and statements were heard by more than 20 000 people, including women. No women applied for amnesty. In 1996 a new constitution (with provision for women39s rights) was introduced and importantly for women, a Commission for Gender Equality was set up. The first 10 years of democracy have been remarkable in many ways but there are still a number of crucial challenges to be met. The first female Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa When Thabo Mbeki announced in 2005 that the newly appointed deputy president was to be Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, history was made. She became the first woman deputy president of South Africa. The appointment was certainly well-deserved. She is a woman who believes that women need not feel disadvantaged, or need to defer to men, simply because they are women. She has an impressive record not only of welfare work among her people but also as an educator, a campaigner for women39s rights and a senior politician. Women in the ANC government South African women, across racial lines, have been the source of courage for the entire community in the struggle for democracy. President Thabo Mbeki stated categorically in his book of 2004: lsquoNo government in South Africa could ever claim to represent the will of the people if it failed to address the central task of emancipation of women in all its elements, and that includes the government we are privileged to leadrsquo. The government39s record in this regard is impeccable. The number of women in official posts at all three levels of government is impressively high. This bears out the terms of the Women39s Charter that there will be no discrimination on the basis of sex. Currently women make up 33 percent of the cabinet. Women are also prominent in the diplomatic service. This is indeed a far cry far cry from the days under the minority white government when Helen Suzman stood alone as a woman in parliament. South African women: The challenges ahead South African society remains a pluralist one with huge cultural diversities, and there are many challenges ahead. Furthermore, in modern-day South Africa women are faced with a wide range of issues such as the high crime rate, domestic violence, child abuse, HIVAIDS, poverty, poor local government delivery and unemployment. Motherhood is still central to most women39s lives across the board and women39s role in family life is still the basis of a morally sound, orderly society. Although great strides have been made, gender discrimination still takes place in the workplace, and while there are notable exceptions, women are as yet poorly represented in top managerial and executive posts country-wide. However, women have shaken off the shackles of the past and in their determined struggle against political oppression and gender inequality they have earned themselves a place in the sun in the new South Africa. As this piece is being written, in January 2006, there is the news that Africa39s first female elected head of state, Ellen Johnson-Surleaf of Liberia, is about to take office in Monrovia. In this the 50 year commemoration of the Women39s March of 1956 we celebrate the role that women have played in the making of modern South Africa and look towards their future role with confidence. Africanhistory. Feature. online ldquoFederation of South African Women. rdquo Available at: africanhistory. aboutodapartheidtermsgFSAW. htm Berger, I. 1992. Threads of solidarity: Women in South African industry, 1900-1980. Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press and James Currey. Bozzoli, Belinda, ed. 1987. Class, community and conflict: South African perspectives. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Bozzoli, Belinda, with Mmantho Nkotsoe. 1991. Women of Phokeng: Consciousness, life strategy and migrancy in South Africa, 1900 ndash 1983. Johannesburg:Ravan. Brink, Elsabe. 1990. lsquoMan-made women Gender, class and the ideology of the volksmoeder 39 in Cherryl Walker, ed, 1990. Women and gender in southern Africa to 1945. Cape Town and London: David Philip and James Currey. Callinicos, L (1993) A Place in the City: The Rand on the Eve of Apartheid, Ravan Press, Cape Town. Cock, Jaclyn. 1991. Colonels and cadres: War and gender in South Africa. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Coullie, J. L. ed. 2004. The closest of strangers: South African women39s life writing. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. DACST (2000) Women Marching into the 21st Century: Wathint39 abafazi wathint39 imbokodo, Sheron Printers. museums. org. zasamconfencpicsgaullgaul04b. jpg Davenport, T. R.H. 2005. lsquoSouth Africa39s Janus moment: The schizophrenic 1940s39, South African Historical Journal. 52, 191-205. Daymond, M. J. et al, eds. 2003. Women writing Africa: The southern region. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Freund, B. 1991. lsquoIndian women and the changing character of the working class Indian household in Natal 1860-199039, Journal of Southern African Studies. 17, 3, 414-429. Gaitskell, D. 2002. lsquoThe imperial tie: obstacle or asset for South Africa39s women suffragists before 193039, South African Historical Journal. 47 (2002), 1-23. Krikler, J. 1996. lsquoWomen, violence and the Rand Revolt of 192239, Journal of Southern African Studies. 22, 3, 349-373. Liebenberg, B. J. and S. B. Spies, eds. 1993. South Africa in the 20 th century. Pretoria: J. L. van Schaik . Lodge, Tom. 1985. Black politics in South Africa since 1945. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. See particularly chapter 6: lsquoWomen39s protest movements in the 1950s39. Musiker N and Musiker R (2000) A Concise Historical Dictionary of Greater Johannesburg, Francolin Publishers, Cape Town . Padayachee, V. and S. Vawda. 1999. lsquoIndian workers and worker action in Durban, 1935-194539, South African Historical Journal. 40, 154-178. Southey, Nicholas. 2006. HHYGEN-B, Gendering South African History, History Honours. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Van Heyningen, Elizabeth. 1999. lsquoThe voices of women in the South African War39, South African Historical Journal. 41, 22-43. Vincent, Louise. 2000. lsquoBread and honour: White working class women and Afrikaner nationalism in the 1930s39, Journal of Southern African Studies. 26, 1, 61-78. Vincent, Louise. 1999. lsquoThe power behind the scenes: The Afrikaner nationalist women39s parties, 1915 to 193139, South African Historical Journal. 40, 51- 73. Walker, Cherryl, ed. 1990. Women and gender in southern Africa to 1945. Cape Town and London: David Philip and James Currey. Walker, Cherryl. 1991. Women and resistance in South Africa. Cape Town: David Philip. Walker, C (1982) Women and Resistance in South Africa, Onyx Press, London . Wells, Julia. 1993. We now demand The history of women39s resistance to pass laws in South Africa. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Wells, Julia. 1983. lsquoWhy women rebel: A comparative study of South African women39s resistance in Bloemfontein (1913) and Johannesburg (1958), Journal of Southern African Studies. 10, 1, 55-70. Wikipedia Online Encyclopaedia. Feature: Miriam Makeba. Available at: en. wikipedia. orgwikiMiriamMakeba ldquoFederation of South African Women. rdquo Africanhistory website. online, accessed 26 June, 2009 Mufson Steven, Fighting Years: Black Resistance and the Struggle for a New South Africa, Boston: Beacon Press, 1990. SADET, The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Vol. 1 (1960-1970), Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2004. SADET, The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Vol. 2 1970-1980, Pretoria: UNISA Press, 2006. SAPA. TRC. ldquoMK Commander Alleges Sexual Abuse in ANC Exile Camps, rdquo Umtata: South African Press Association (SAPA), June 18 1996. SAPA. TRC. ldquoANC Women Cadres Were Sexually Abused, Modise Admits, rdquo Cape Town: SAPA, 1997. The African Music Encyclopaedia. Miriam Makeba. 1965 Memorandum on ANC Womenrsquos Bureau, ANC Morogoro Papers, Box 3, ANC Archives, UFH cited in SADET, The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Vol. 1 (1960-1970), Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2004. Reddy E. S. The struggle for liberation in South Africa and international solidarity: A selection of papers published by the United Nations Centre against Apartheid, New Delhi: Sterling, 1993. Suki Ali, Global Feminist Politics: Identities in a Changing World. Lyn S. Graybill, Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa: Miracle or Model Reddy E. S. The struggle for liberation in South Africa and international solidarity: A selection of papers published by the United Nations Centre against Apartheid, New Delhi: Sterling, 1993.