Talon Trading System

TALON, JEAN (kalt på en gang Talon Du Quesnoy). tilhenger av New France 166568 og 167072 b. i Chlons-sur-Marne, i Champagne, hvor han ble døpt 8. januar 1626, sønn av Philippe Talon og Anne de Bury (eller Burry, men ikke Beuvy) d. November 1694 i Frankrike. Ifølge visse forfattere ble Talons sagt å være av irsk opprinnelse. Den første forfaren til å bosette seg i Frankrike, på midten av 1500-tallet, skulle ha vært Artus Talon. Men det var kanskje ved slutten av det tallet at Talon-familien var delt inn i to separate grener: Den parisiske grenen, ble berømt av flere magistrater som var relatert til Gueffiers og Phlypeaux de Pontchartrain familien, og den ene i Champagne til som Jean Talon tilhørte. Talon studerte i Paris, med jesuittene på Collge de Clermont. Etter 28 år kom han til militæradministrasjonstjenesten. Han var kommissær for krigene i Flandern og tilhenger av Turennes hær i 1653, kommissær for Le Quesnoy i 1654. I 1655 ble han tilhenger av provinsen Hainault. I årene som han holdt dette kontoret, fortjente han ofte Mazarins ros for sin iver og kompetanse. Opprettet av Richelieu, de intendants som ble dårlig mottatt i begynnelsen fordi de forårsaket at kongekraften var for tett følte, hadde en viktig rolle å spille i Frankrikes administrative maskineri. Ifølge Pierre Clment var de pålagt å håndtere undertrykkelsehandlinger som kongens fagpersoner måtte lide i lovens offiserer gjennom korrupsjon, uaktsomhet, uvitenhet eller på annen måte å rapportere om eksempler på feil prosedyre og utpressing av dommere, å dømme på myndighet i rådet og å uttale dommer uten anke, herunder dødsstraff, å forutse og undertrykke alt som kan true rekkefølge, holde øye med forsyninger og forsyninger og fengselsstaten. Informert av advokatgeneralene om alle misbruk begått i provinsen, etter arméene om nødvendig, gjennomgikk de troppene for å sikre at de var godt rustet og dømt soldater uten anke. Veier, kanaler, gruver, ligger innenfor deres kompetanse, og i tillegg alt som angår skatter. Disse mangfoldige og noe overveldende plikter hadde i 1655 falt til en ung manns 30 års alder. Det var bevis på at Jean Talon ble holdt i stor grad på høye steder. I 1665 lanserte Louis XIV og Colbert en etterfølger for Canada. Louis Robert de Fortel ble utnevnt til dette kontoret den 21. mars 1663, men av grunner som har vært ukjent gikk han aldri til New France. Stillingen var vanskelig, og Colbert var krevende. Jean Talon, inntil da tilhenger av provinsen Hainault, ble nominert. Den 23. mars 1665 fikk han sin kommisjon, og den 24. mai seilte han for New France om bord på Saint-Sbastien. sammen med guvernør Rmy de Courcelle. Etter å ha satt i port på Gasp, hvor han samlet noen mineraler, kom Talon til Quebec den 12. september 1665. I det øyeblikket Talon landet i Quebec, var Frankrike endelig i fred og orden etter Osnabrcks, Mnsters og traktatavtalen Pyreneene og Louis XIVs suksess til tronen: det samme ga ikke sant for New France. I mer enn 20 år, svekket og uorganisert, hadde kolonien gripet seg med en grusom og unnvikende fiende som truet sin skjøre eksistens litt mer hver dag. Canada ble drenert av livsnerven i kampen med Iroquois, hvis krigslignende og blodtørstige stemning økte i forhold til deres suksess. Hele livet i kolonien ble påvirket av det: pelshandelen, landets økonomiske grunnlag, hadde alt annet enn dratt ut, som Cent-Associs entusiasme og iver, i en slik grad at koloniens dårlighet syntes å bringe sin fremtid i fare. Det var av denne grunn at Louis XIV og Colbert bestemte seg for å gripe inn før det var for sent. Utnevnelsen av en nærstående, spesielt, innpasset i planen for en nødvendig omorganisering av New France. Faktisk, siden Champlain guvernørene hadde hatt de største kreftene. Selv om de kongelige vedtattene fra 1647 og 1648 hadde satt opp et råd med lovgivende, utøvende og rettslige krefter, var dette rådet fortsatt under kontroll av guvernøren, hvis mening alltid var til stede. Å være dermed i besittelse av en slags vetorett, fortsatte guvernøren i realiteten å holde autoriteten som Champlain og hans nærmeste etterfølgere hadde hatt. Dette systemet var for primitivt til sist. Økningen i befolkningen viste snart svakheter. Mot 1660 stod bosetterne for en forandring. Dessuten, trøtt av inertien av Compagnie des Cent-Associs, som ikke lenger kunne oppfylle sine forpliktelser, ba de om oppløsning. Louis XIV, som hadde antatt makten i 1661, ble umiddelbart gjort oppmerksom på problemet med New France, så på randen av ruin, ifølge moderne vitnesbyrd. Kongen kjente seg med mange rapporter om kolonien han ga publikum til fremtredende personer, sendte han selv en kongelig etterforsker til Amerika, se Monts. Ganske åpenbart var det en ny takk for. I begynnelsen av 1663 aksepterte Louis XIV tilbaketrekningen av Compagnie des Cent-Associs. Ny Frankrike ble en kongelig besittelse igjen. Louis XIV fortsatte deretter med å gjennomføre en stor administrativ omorganisering av kolonien. Guvernørens krefter ble påfallende redusert, mange ble overført til naboen og Conseil Souverain. Guvernøren, den første personligheten i hierarkiet i New France, styrte militære forhold og ekstern politikk (indianere og de engelske koloniene i Amerika), i tillegg til å utøve et visst tilsyn over prestene, de religiøse samfunn og utdanningen. For hans del var oppdragsgiver ansvarlig for all siviladministrasjon. Opprettelsen av Conseil Souverain i april 1663 markerte etableringen av kongelig rettferdighet i New France. Seigneurial domstolene ble ikke undertrykt som et resultat, selv om deres jurisdiksjon var raskt begrenset til lavere rettferdighet, midt og høy rettferdighet er fremover de kongelige domstolers privilegium. Faktisk, fra 1666 på byene Quebec og Trois-Rivires Montreal fulgte farge i 1693 ble begge forsynt med en domstol i første instans, prvt (provost domstol) eller juridikk. som også hørte appeller fra seigneurial domstolene innenfor sin kompetanse. Beslutninger av disse rettssakene kan appelleres til Conseil Souverain, den høyeste domstol i landet. Dette rådet var sammensatt av guvernøren, biskopen, den tilhørende og fem rådsmedlemmer. Selv om det fremfor alt var en domstol, oppfylte rådet i begynnelsen noen administrative funksjoner, hvorav det skulle bli lettet helt ved slutten av århundret. Knapt et år hadde gått siden kolonienes retrocession til det kongelige domenet av Cent-Associs da i mai 1664 Louis XIV opprettet Occidentales Compagnie des Indes, som han ga alle rettigheter til eierskap, rettferdighet og seigneur. Kongen forbeholdt seg imidlertid privilegiet av å levere sine oppdrag til guvernørene, så vel som til Conseil Souverain-offiserene og senere til de tilnærminger som i teorien ble valgt og utnevnt av selskapet. Ved sin ankomst i kolonien bar Talon tittelen på rettferdighet, politiet og økonomien i Canada, Acadia, Newfoundland og andre land i Nord-Amerika. Hans plikter var så mange som de var varierte: å delta i krigsråd, å høre klager fra alle mennesker og å gjøre god og rask rettferdighet, for å undersøke alle forpliktelser mot kongens tjeneste, å iverksette tiltak, herunder gjennomføring av dom, mot de som er skyldige i alle forbrytelser, til å utpeke antall dommere og juridisk trente personer som kreves ved lov, generelt å ta hensyn til alle forbrytelser, misbruk og misligheter, for å lede over Conseil Souverain i fravær av løytnant - general og guvernør, og å dømme alene og uten anke i sivile saker. I tillegg på finansområdet var han å holde øye med kontrollen, håndteringen og fordeling av midler beregnet til vedlikehold av soldatene eller for avsetninger, ammunisjon, reparasjoner, festninger, lån, skatter og andre utgifter for å verifisere og lukk utsagnene og warrants fremsendt av løytnantens generalsekretær og å ha presentert for hans undersøkelseserklæringer om mønstre og inspeksjoner, ruller og registre. Generelt var han å gjøre og bestille, innenfor rammen av sin funksjon, alt han trodde nødvendig for det gode og fordelen av administrasjonen. I samme år som Talon ankom, landet det i Quebec de tropper lovet av kongen for å undertrykke Iroquois, som Louis XIV ble løst for å utrydde helt. Ved sommeren 1665 hadde løytnantgeneral Prouville de Tracy, i forventning om fremtidig handling, tre fortene bygget på Richelieu som var ment å forsvare tilnærmingen til kolonien og tjene som utposter og stepping stones på veien til Iroquois-landet to andre skulle bygges året etter. Tilhengeren viste stor energi i å skaffe de 1.300 soldatene ly, forsyninger, klær, verktøy og armer som de trengte for å passere vinteren. I tillegg avhengige av de materielle forberedelsene til den projiserte ekspedisjonen. Spesielt måtte hæren være utstyrt med bjeffer og flate bunnbåter, som Talon hadde bygget i kolonien. I stedet for en enkelt ekspedisjon var det to: Courcelles om vinteren 166566, og en annen ledet av Tracy selv om høsten 1666. Det følgende året ga Iroquois over. Hvis påhengsmannen fra Tracy og Courcelle ikke fulgte troppene inn i Iroquois kantoner, hadde han likevel en meget stor andel i de franske armernes suksess gjennom sin konstante og omhyggelige omsorg ved å stille til disposisjon hæren alt som var nødvendig for krigen, til tross for koloniens fattigdom, mangel på veier og avstandene. Mens han samarbeidet med de militære lederne, forsvant Talon på ingen måte de mer rolige aspekter ved sitt oppdrag og brukte seg til å utføre instruksjonene som kongen hadde gitt ham 27. mars 1665. Oppsigelse av dette dokumentet gjentar straks uttalelsen av Louis XIV og Colbert i 1664, i charteret av Compagnie des Indes occidentales, at kolonier og havstrafikk er det eneste og sanne middel til å gi handel den glans som den nyter i fremmede land. Faktisk oppfordret kongen Talon til å ta de mest hensiktsmessige skritt for utvidelsen av kolonien, slik at den snart kunne gi sine egne behov og levere visse produkter som er nødvendige for veksten av industrien i morslandet til det formål var nødvendig for å bosette landet, utvikle landbruk og handel, og sette opp næringer i den. Spesielt instruerte hans instruksjoner Talon om å studere rettferdighetsadministrasjonen, for å søke om nødvendige korrigeringer i samarbeid med Conseil Souverain, han skulle se til etableringen av forsvarlig administrasjon. I september 1665 fant Talon kolonien praktisk talt uten domstoler, bortsett fra noen få seigneurielle tribunaler: Den tidligere seneschalsretten ble avskaffet i 1663, Conseil Souverain hadde ikke satt siden 6. juli det hadde faktisk møtt 23. september (1665) , men med det eneste formål å registrere Courcelles, Talons og Le Barroyss provisjoner og Compagnie des Indes occidentales hadde ennå ikke utnevnt noen dommere. I Montreal er det sant, det hadde eksistert siden 1663 en kongelig seneschalsdomstol, som hadde blitt satt opp av Conseil Souverain i stedet for seigneurial rettferdighet. Denne seneschalsretten hadde imidlertid blitt etablert i strid med rettighetene til Sulpicians Talon derfor avskaffet den 18. september 1666, gjenoppretting ved denne saken seigneurial rettferdighet i Montreal. I fravær av vanlige tribunaler fungerte høvedsmannen som voldgiftsdommer mellom tvister: Jeg har så langt avgjort alle saker og alle de lovpakker som har kommet foran meg. Denne situasjonen kan imidlertid bare være midlertidig. Sommeren 1666 utarbeidet Talon et utkast til forskrifter som han sendte til Tracy og Courcelle. Han foreslo dem restaureringen av Conseil Souverain, hvis medlemmer ble faktisk utnevnt den 6. desember samme år. Fra januar 1667 møtte rådet, men heller uregelmessig. I mellomtiden, den 1. mai 1666, hadde Compagnie des Indes occidentales utnevnt Louis-Thandre Chartier de Lotbinire løytnantgeneral for sivile og kriminelle saker i Quebec. Rådet mottok sin ed og installerte ham i hans funksjoner 10. januar 1667. På ca. Samtidig mottok Trois-Rivires også sin førsteinstansrett. Som et resultat kunne han i sin Mmoire sur ltat du Canada i 1667 Talon beskrive rettferdighetsadministrasjonen i kolonien som følger: Den blir først og fremst fremsendt av den saksøke dommeren, deretter av en sivil og kriminell løytnant kalt av Selskapet i hver av jurisdiksjonene i Quebec og Trois-Rivires, og over alt er det en Conseil Souverain som dommer i siste instans alle saker som er anket. Tilhengeren ønsket å kutte ned antall lovpakker, som var altfor hyppige i kolonien. Han trodde på effektiviteten av de utenomjordiske bosetningene som han hadde prøvd i begynnelsen av hans administrasjon, og som han skrev, legger jeg meg med glede: denne mer milde måten. sparer verdifull tid for partiene som bor i fjerne steder som de kan forlate bare med kano. Den 20. august 1667 oppnådde han fra Conseil Souverain sannsynligvis på hans anmodning, og til tross for Courcelles opposisjon at alle saksdommer først skulle bli ført for ham, for at han kunne tildele dem jurisdiksjonen som skulle håndtere dem dersom han gjorde det ikke finne noen måte å komme til en løsning utenfor domstol eller at hvis saken krever at han tar hensyn til det, kan han hevde sin kompetanse til å bedømme det selv. I 1671, da Courcelle hadde skapt vanskeligheter for ham, konsulterte Talon predikanten, som ikke godkjente sin prosedyre, som han ansett å være litt i strid med rettferdighetsmåten. Colbert, som hadde oppfordret Talon til å utføre plikter til en god paterfamilie, så ikke med favør på et rettssystem som, selv om det var paternalistisk, var for sammendrag. Å være ansvarlig for politiet, like mye som han var for rettferdighet, forsinket ikke nærmannen å gi sin oppmerksomhet til det. Så tidlig som sommeren 1666, i sitt utkast til regelverk som ble registrert i Conseil Souverain 24. januar 1667, avslørte Talon sin intensjon om å etablere orden i koloniens liv. Men som de fleste av hans ordinanser har gått tapt, er det vanskelig å se sitt arbeid på dette feltet. Ikke desto mindre lar rekordene fra Conseil Souverain oss noen ganger å oppdage og ofte å gjette på de tilsiktede innflytelse i utarbeidelsen av koloniernes lovgivning, hvis hele kropp, for perioden spredt av Talons to administrasjoner, er bemerkelsesverdig for samholdet og dens realisme. Tilhengeren fulgte en veldefinert politikk, som faktisk hadde blitt formidlet til ham av den store kolbert selv: Du må alltid huske på planen som jeg skisserer til deg med få ord, og som tilsvarer det som ligger i lengre lengde i dine instruksjoner og til de intervjuene jeg har hatt med deg her, og du må aldri avvike fra det. Det første punktet i denne planen var bekymret for landet. For å øke befolkningen ble ulike tiltak, som noen ganger var meget energiske, vedtatt. Først ble innvandring oppmuntret. Fra 1665 til 1672 landet 1500 bosettere i Canada, enten som indentured ansatte eller bare som innvandrere. De innskrevne medarbeiderne, som var fra 16 til 40 år, ble rekruttert og transportert til Canada i motsetning til deres løfte om å jobbe for en bosetter i tre år, var passasjen sikret, og de fikk en beskjeden lønn. På slutten av deres engasjement mottok de et område av land, noen forsyninger og verktøy. Dette systemet ga en dobbel fordel: det ga kolonistene dyrebar mannekraft og ga nybegynnere tid til å tilpasse seg de spesielle forholdene til gårdsarbeidet i New France. Innvandrerne som kom alene, fikk tildelt et areal hvor to hektar hadde blitt ryddet og frøet, samt viktige verktøy og forsyninger for et år eller to i retur, lovet de å fjerne to hektar og sette dem i dyrking for en fremtidig ankomst. Innskyvende ansatte og innvandrere mottok dermed betydelig hjelp gjennom de tilhørende. Talon ønsket massiv innvandring, men Colbert fulgte prinsippet om at Old France ikke skulle bli avlyst til fordel for New France. Allikevel hadde predikanten gitt ham ordre om å oppmuntre soldatene til Carignan-Salires regimentet til å bli vant til kolonien. Tilhengeren bøyde sin innsats for dette med all den mer overbevisning som han regnet veldig mye på kolonisering av militæret for forsvaret av landet. Til tross for motstand fra visse kvarter, lyktes Talon til å overtale flere offiserer til å ta opp land sammen med mennene sine, og han oppnådde drikkepenger (ca 44 000 livres i det hele tatt) for de mest ivrige blant dem, slik at det anslås at 800 soldater slo seg ned i kolonien, trukket fra Carignan-Salires regimentet og fra selskaper som hadde landet i 1670. Indentured ansatte, soldater og bosettere ble forventet å finne boliger. For dem Colbert, effektivt utstått av Talon, sendte New France et betydelig antall kvinnelige innvandrere. På syv år fant mer enn 1000 kongers døtre (filles du roi) ektemenn kort tid etter landing fra sine skip. Blant dem ble noen høyfødte jenter som var ment for de tidligere offiserene i Carignan-Salires-regimentet, mottatt en gave fra anhengeren, som ønsket på denne måten å oppmuntre deres ekteskap. Til de andre talon leverte noen bestemmelser og 50 livres i varer som passer for deres husstand. Så ufrivillig var de som ønsker å oppmuntre ekteskap og barnebærende, at han greide til tiltak som noen ganger strider mot normal individuell frihet. Ikke fornøyd med å oppfordre foreldrene til å gifte seg med barna sine så snart de var gamle nok til å forsvare seg selv, gjorde han til og med fedrene til ugifte gutter og jenter vises på registret for å forklare seg selv. På samme måte undertegnet han den 20. oktober 1671 en ordinasjon som forplikter bachelorer til å gifte seg med de unge jentene som kom fra Frankrike, under straffe for å bli fratatt fiskefiske, jakt og engasjement i pelshandelen. Man kan godt si at han fratatt Recalcitrants av enhver sjanse til å leve i kolonien. Sammen med disse tiltakene, hvor alvorlighetsgraden forundrer oss, hadde han andre vedtatt (Hans Majestretdekret av 5. april 1669) som var mer menneskelig karakter: han ønsket at æresbevisninger ble gitt til høvdingene til de største familier, som ville bli valgt for sivile kontorer til fedre av 10 barn født i lovlig ekteskap, og som ikke er prester, religiøse eller nonner, ga han årlig bevilgning på 300 livres. og 400 til fedre av 12 barn til unge menn som giftet seg da de var 20 år eller mindre, ga han 20 livres. Talon ble ikke skuffet i sine forventninger: i 1671 annonserte han stolt over Colbert, det hadde vært mellom 600 og 700 fødsler i kolonien. På tidspunktet for Talons andre administrasjon var et relativt nytt fenomen truet med sin politikk for å øke befolkningen: mennene og unge mennene tok stadig mer å gå inn i skogen, ga opp sine hjem, levde som indianerne og videreførte det veritære yrket av banditter. Den 5. juni 1672 utstedte Talon en forordning som forbød at noen skulle ta til skogen uten en lisens fra guvernøren eller den tilhørende. På tidspunktet da han på Colberts-ordre gjaldte seg til indianernes akkulturasjon, for å få dem til å leve blant de hvite og for å bli forenet med dem ved ekteskap, var han vidne til en ironisk reversering av situasjonen, defeksjon av franskmenn. Hvis han hadde bodd lengre i kolonien, ville Talon ha bekreftet nøyaktigheten av bemerkningen fra Marie de Lincarnation, se Guyart, at en franskmann blir en indianer lettere enn en indian blir franskmann. Således, på disse to punktene, som tok til skogen og assimilerte indianerne, møttes intendenten med fullstendig fiasko. Likevel ga politikken med å fylle landet som ble utført av Colbert og Talon, i det hele tatt de ønskede resultatene. Overbevist, som sin herre, at menn er den grunnleggende rikdommen til en stat, forfulgte etterfølgeren sitt mål med en ekte lidenskap, med det resultat at fra 1666 til 1673, hvis vi går forbi sensurene (som ikke alltid er veldig pålitelige) , synes befolkningen i Canada å ha mer enn doblet, og øker fra 3 215 til 7 605 sjeler. Populere landet kunne ikke fortsette uten bosetting. Så tidlig som høsten 1665 gjorde Talon et poeng å på en rasjonell måte oppmuntre til implantering av en stor landbasert befolkning. For det var fremfor alt nødvendig, ifølge Colberts ønske, at kolonien skulle bli selvforsynende så snart som mulig, spesielt når det gjaldt mat, ville Talon også gjøre landbruksprodukter til et av grunnlagene for kanadisk handel med Frankrike og spesielt med Vestindia. Hans innsats var derfor ikke bare et spørsmål om å forsikre for New France en subsistensøkonomi, men å sette landbruket på en kommersiell måte. Om vinteren 166566 valgte Talon et stort område av bakken i nærheten av Quebec for å etablere tre oppdrettsbyer. Denne bakken tilhørte jesuittene, som protesterte mot, men den tilhengende avviste argumentet om det felles gode, som han satte i mot den religiøse Colberts private fordel, ga sin godkjenning, og jesuittene ga motvillig opp en del av seignjonen til Notre-Dame - des-Anges, som ble bevilget dem i 1626. Ved å skape samfunnene Bourg-Royal, Bourg-la-Reine og Bourg-Talon, fulgte intendant et dobbeltmål: å gi et eksempel på boliger bygd ved siden av en en annen, og forberede samtidig de 30 eller 40 stykkene land som Colbert hadde bedt om hvert år for de nye familier, som Talon la til soldatene som ville bosette seg i landet. For å realisere det første målet, adopterte Talon for sine landsbyer en plan som var helt ny i Canada: Landstykkene var trekantede, skrev Chapais, og boligene, som ble bygget ved toppunktet av trekanten, ble gruppert om torget eller rektangelet hvor kirken eller kapellet skulle stige. Uten å redusere arealet av landstykkene hadde denne ordningen fordelen av å samle innbyggerne, som bedre kunne hjelpe hverandre og bringe dem i nærheten av presten, kirurgen og notaren. Frem til den tiden hadde seigneurial rgime utviklet seg litt tilfeldig: i retten ble det beklaget at seigneuries som fortsatt var tungt skogkledde, skapte hull i St. Lawrence som var skadelig for forsvaret av landet (Iroquois-krigen hadde vist at ), samt sentralisering av tjenester. Følgelig var det nødvendig å øke antall dommere, notarer og kirurger, som som følge av dette gjorde dårlig fattigdom, fordi på den ene side ikke bosetningen hadde blitt ordnet på en ordnet måte, og på den annen side seigneurs som var uaktsom eller for sjenerøst begavet igjen stående veritabel vegger av skog langs grensene av deres domener. Ikke fornøyd med å sette et eksempel ved å sette sine landlige landsbyer til dyrking, Talon taklet alle problemene på en gang. Han forsøkte å fylle ut de stedene som fortsatt var tomme langs strendene til St. Lawrence ved å distribuere rundt 60 fiefs. Videre hadde han i en ordinasjon datert 22. mai 1667 tilsatt seigneurene å inkludere følgende klausuler i sine kontrakter om landtilskudd: En forpliktelse til kopierehaveren å oppholde seg innen 12 måneder etter mottak av bevilgningen, og å rydde og dyrke to hektar hvert år på grunn av retrocession av eiendommen og dermed tildelt forbud mot salg av hans land av kopimaskinen før han hadde bygget en bolig på den og hadde ryddet to hektar. Disse tiltakene var godt beregnet for å sikre den faktiske å ta i besittelse av jord og kontinuerlig oppgjør av strendene i St. Lawrence. Det var imidlertid de seigneuriene som var for store og at deres eiere ikke var klare å rydde helt. Talon viste seg oppmerksomhet til dem: Begynnelsen i 1666 og 1667 bestilte han at et register over fast eiendom skulle utarbeides for å tillate en generell undersøkelse av situasjonen. Han hadde dessuten oppfattet med Colbert en plan for å redusere dimensjonene til disse domenene, en tiende eller en femtende av disse kunne ytes hvert år til en mer iverig eller mer dyktig seigneur. Den 27. september 1672, i påvente av anvendelsen av denne tiltaket, trengte tilhengeren alle de som eide mer enn 400 hektar land oppnådd tidligere de siste 10 årene, for å erklære omfanget og kvaliteten på de landene de eide, ryddet eller uncleared, antall leietakere, og andre detaljer beregnet for å opplyse ham om den virkelige tilstanden for bosetting i St. Lawrence-dalen. Etter Talons avgang (november 1672) synes dette prosjektet ikke å være fulgt opp. Dette forsøket på å sikre rasjonell oppgjør var årsaken til utnevnelsen av to landmålere: Louis-Marin Boucher, dit Boisbuisson (1. mai 1672) og Jean Le Rouge (5. november 1672). Talon hadde i alle henseender fulgt ut de nøyaktige retningene i hans instruksjoner: forsøke å avhjelpe spredningen av befolkningen ved å ha landet ryddet trinnvis for å få bosetterne til å ta seg av oppholdet, uansett til fordel for nye bosettere, delene som ennå ikke er fjernet av domener som var for omfattende forberede hvert år 30 eller 40 boliger for nye familier ved å ha skogen kuttet ned og landene som blir ryddet frøet på Hans Majestys regning. Vi mangler nøyaktige tall for å evaluere Talons arbeid i sin helhet, men det vil være nok til å vise at det var fremgang: fra 1667 til 1668 økte antall hektar under dyrking i kolonien fra 11.448 til 15.649 i 1668 hvedeproduksjonen utgjorde 130.978 bushels. Hvete Inntil nå, innrømmet Pierre Boucher i 1664, vår eneste tanke har vært av hvete. som den mest nødvendige for oss. Mens han oppmuntret til veksten av denne viktige frokostblandingen og grønnsaker som erter og bønner, som utgjorde bosattens grunnleggende mat, prøvde Talon i samsvar med de direktiver som han mottok fra morslandet, å innføre i kolonihampen lin , og humle, som ville levere fabrikkene som han allerede drømte om. Han hadde en predileksjon for energiske tiltak, og rekvirerte i 1666 hele tråden i kolonimagasinet, for å få bosetterne til å syke hamp. Han distribuerte frø til dem, og sparte ikke sine oppmuntringer til dem og ba dem om å gi ham tilbake samme mengde året etter. I 1669 begynte produksjonen av tråd og klut Talon kjøpt sine hampavlinger fra to bosettere for å bevise for kolonistene at de ville finne et marked for dette produktet. Produksjonen av hør og hamp syntes å ha en lysende fremtid: i tre år fra nå, skrev Talon i 1671, vil bosetterne få fra sine avlinger og deres egen produksjon mest og kanskje alle klutene de trenger for seg selv, I gjennomsnitt utgjorde verdien av det årlige forbruket av klut til mer enn 60 000 livres på seks år, forutsetter han at klut kan eksporteres til Frankrike. I tillegg hadde det vært påbegynt produksjon av tau og andre små typer tau. Han oppmuntret også voksingen av humle og bygg som han kjøpte for sitt bryggeri. Igjen satte han eksemplet: han hadde 6000 poler humle plantet på hans land på Les Islets. Kort sagt, han ga en slik impuls til landbruket, at kolonien snart hadde overskudd: i 1667 og 1668 erter, både grønn og tørket, humle og byg ble eksportert til Vestindia i 1672 Frontenac se Buade snakket om produktene, spesielt hvete, hvorav kolonien hadde for mye. Talon var ikke mindre energisk i økende husdyr i New France, som til nå hadde bestått nesten helt av storfe og i mindre grad griser. Hester og sau kom fra Frankrike nesten hvert år, men i begrensede mengder (41 hester og 80 sauer fra 1665 til 1668). Talon var så vellykket i å oppmuntre bosetterne til å øke antall dyrene sine og tok slike egnede tiltak som i løpet av få år ble oppnådd overraskende resultater: ved 1670 var hestene tilstrekkelig tallrike for handel i dem som skulle videreføres i 1671 ikke mer salt svinekjøtt ble importert fra La Rochelle, som vanligvis leverte 800 fat av det hvert år i samme periode som kolonien produserte tilstrekkelig skinn til sko hele befolkningen. Ull var imidlertid knapt: sauene var få, og Colbert var ikke tilbøyelig til å sende mer til kolonien til tross for Talons protestasjoner, fortsatte ministeren forbausende. I løpet av fem år gjorde Talon en stor del for det canadiske jordbruket: han diversifiserte produksjonen og midlertidig satte den på en kommersiell måte, samt interesserte bosetterne i avlsmassen. Ikke desto mindre, etter ham, ble veksten av avlinger for industriell bruk, som bosetterne ikke hadde tid til å bli kjent, forsvunnet nesten for manglende oppmuntring og markeder kom kolonien raskt tilbake til voksende hvete og til oppdrettsbruk. Talonens opphold hadde vært for kort. Oppgivelsen av dyrking av feltavlinger til industriell bruk var en følge av forsvinningen eller nedbremsing av produksjonsindustrien skapt av næringsdrivende å absorbere jordbruksoverskuddene. Fraværet av Talon, som visste hvordan man skal oppmuntre og stimulere bosetterne, og å stoppe kongelige subsidier, satte en stopper for et arbeid som fortsatt var usikre, som hadde blitt arbeidskrevende opprettet uten tilstrekkelig hjelp fra moderlandet: Middelene til å etablere seg produksjon der ligger i industrien til bosetterne og deres arbeid, i stedet for i den hjelpen som kongen kan gi, hadde Colbert skrevet så tidlig som 1666. Ved begynnelsen av hans administrasjon hadde Talon innført vev i kolonien. Ikke bare oppfordret han kvinner og jenter til å lære å snurre, men han hadde også vev distribuert til private hjem til seminarene han leverte i tillegg hamp og ull. In 1671 he announced to Colbert that he had had the wool made into drugget, barracan, coarse muslin, and serge now the colony was ready to make cloth. Moreover, he added, Nearly a third of the shoes are made from native leathers, and at the present time I have from what is produced in Canada all that I need to clothe myself from head to foot. He had, in fact, set up at Quebec a hat factory and had made possible in 1668 the establishment of a tannery at Pointe-Lvy. With his son-in-law and partner tienne Charest, Franois Byssot worked the hides of cattle, elk, deer, and even of porpoises and seals. Besides bestowing 3,268 livres upon Byssot, Talon ordered from him large quantities of shoes for the troops. The undertaking prospered so well that in 1673 the intendant (who was back in France) estimated the production of shoes at 8,000 pairs a year. This was, moreover, one of the rare industries to survive Talons departure most of them, like hat-making, being entirely supported by the intendant, did not last. Talons most important achievement in his search for outlets for the agricultural products was the brewery that he had caused to be built at Quebec between 1668 and 1670. In 1667 he had received from the king two vats which he wanted to use for making beer, and from Colbert he received permission to set up a brewery. At this time New France was spending 100,000 livres each year on the purchase of wines and spirits. In order to keep this money in the colony and to put to use the surplus barley and wheat, the intendant had the Conseil Souverain issue an ordinance encouraging the setting up of breweries by limiting to 1,200 hogsheads the annual importation of alcoholic beverages. Constructed during the period between Talons two terms of office, the brewery began production in 1670 on 2 Nov. 1671 Talon informed Colbert that it could supply 2,000 hogsheads of beer for the West Indies and a like amount for local consumption, which would bring about the processing of 12,000 bushels of grain per year. Unfortunately, after the intendants departure, the regulations concerning the importation of wines and spirits were eased in 1675 the brewery closed down. After remaining empty a long time, the building was sold to the king by Talon in 1685 and was fitted up to serve as a residence for the intendants of New France. If he applied himself to developing that basic resource, agriculture, Talon nonetheless did not neglect New Frances other great resource, the forest. Everything concurred, it is true, to favour the setting up of a lumber industry: on one hand Colbert wanted to equip France with a powerful navy and merchant marine the West Indies, on the other hand, needed wood for making the barrels, casks, and chests necessary for their trade. Towards these two poles Talon oriented the lumbering industry: to the mother country he sent masts and lumber to the West Indies, lighter woods, and particularly stave wood. This industry was not entirely new in the colony: as early as 1630 Nicolas Denys had undertaken it in Acadia in the St. Lawrence valley some settlers had at various times shipped wood to France. But it fell to Talon to give it a new impetus and to push it on to a point that had not been attained up till then. During the winter of 166566 Talon had the forests inspected, in order to receive information about the quantity and quality of the trees suitable for ship-building. Of all the woods, oak was the most sought after. Unfortunately there was hardly any close to the St. Lawrence the intendant hit upon the idea of using the tributary rivers for floating the logs. In 1667 he sent off his first shipments: to the West Indies planks, stave wood, and some small masts to France small masts, spars, and other pieces for building ships at Quebec itself wood had been in use for a year for the ship-building yard. Anxious not to squander this resource, Talon signed three ordinances in 1670 and 1671 forbidding the settlers to cut down or burn oak and other species of trees suitable for ship-building before the kings carpenters had examined them. The lumbering industry did not however become as important as the intendant would have liked. In particular, the absence of sawmills there was only one in existence, it seems, which began operating at Montreal in 1670 constituted a major obstacle. Talon tried to bring from the English colonies workmen who were specialists in building these mills, but his scheme was not successful. Once again the new-born industry disappeared with the intendant. The trade in masts was to start up again in the colony, but much later. From the Canadian forest Talon wanted to extract other products: tar, potash, and soft soap. At his request, Colbert de Terron sent to Quebec in 1670 a tar-maker. The following year production had reached 8 barrels, 2 of which were shipped to France. Emboldened by his tar-makers promises, the intendant hoped for an excellent output but it was soon realized that for a long time only a very little tar would be obtained, and at very high cost. Patoulet. the intendants secretary, expressed the opinion that it was better to let the settlers make it and to buy their goods the scheme was given up. Talon had no more success with the potash and soft soap, despite the fact that in 1670 he had brought from France a specialist or self-styled one the Sieur Nicolas Follin, and that the king had granted the latter important commercial privileges. At the time of Talons departure Follin had not yet seriously set to work. These failures however are rather to be ascribed to the difficulties which such industries met in New France in the 17th century than to the intendant, who, as was his wont, did not stint his aid or his encouragements to the makers of tar and potash. Talons interest in the growing of hemp, in the lumber industry, and in the making of tar was directly linked to the ship-building industry which he was endeavouring to establish in the colony besides, he was well aware that these materials would be welcomed by Colbert, who, despite his mercantilist convictions, was forced to buy them in Scandinavia. The idea of building ships in Canada was however not new: for a long period, it is true, only barks and pinnaces had been built, principally to cope with emergencies but in 1664, at Colberts command and on the kings behalf, a galliot, a brigantine, and some ships of lesser tonnage had been laid down. Upon his arrival Talon took this activity in hand and with his special genius tried to establish it on solid foundations he sought to produce in the colony the cordage, the tar, and even the iron fittings that were required. The intendant succeeded in some of his ventures. He opened a shipyard on the Saint-Charles River, brought from France shipwrights and a foreman. Talons aim was to supply ships for the king on the one hand (Colbert had promised to order some from him), and to private individuals on the other, for the fishing industry and for trading with France and the West Indies. As early as the autumn of 1665 he had assembled some settlers to undertake the construction of ships of 20 and 40 tons burden he hoped that for them the king would approve of his bringing from France the ironwork, canvas, and cordage. He himself had a vessel of 120 tons burden built, which was completed in the spring of 1667. With the collaboration of some private individuals and thanks to a fund of 40,000 livres created in 1671, he was able to lay down a ship of 400 to 500 tons, and soon afterwards another of 800. Numerous difficulties arose however. Skilled labour was scarce: Talon reinforced the few shipwrights with house carpenters, who, for the sake of the trade that they were learning, pledged themselves to work for four years for their board and clothing only he even enlisted the help of soldiers and settlers who received training in handling the axe and were formed to the trade. Moreover the iron fittings, anchors, cordage, tars, compasses, etc. still had to be imported from France. The ships were very costly. In 1672 Frontenac, who had neither Talons patience nor his tenacity, wrote to the minister that he did not know whether, in view of the cost and the scarcity of workers which exists in this country, you would not find it more profitable for us to send you all the wood considered suitable for ship-building. rather than play at having them built here. This was an opinion that Colbert was quite disposed to listen to. Consequently, after the intendants departure all effective aid to the ship-building industry ceased, and the settlers were simply encouraged to build boats for their own needs. There was hardly any interest except in the barks and flat-bottomed boats required for the army only a few individuals occasionally built ships of greater tonnage for their trade. The shipbuilding industry had lost its impetus. In Talons mind ship-building was not unrelated to the need for developing the richest and perhaps the most accessible of the colonys resources: fish. What it had been possible to call a manna which surpasses all that one can imagine, had up till then had only a very limited attraction for the settlers, who were, it has been said, too preoccupied with obtaining wheat for themselves consequently, in 1663 a traveller compared the French in Canada to paralytics lying beside a great treasure. They were satisfied with using this manna merely for their sustenance a few only, who had gathered about Franois Byssot in 1650, made a commercial activity of fishing. However and Talon made the observation in 1673 all of Europe was eating dried cod France for its part had to import more than 1,500,000 livres worth of fish annually, without mentioning the West Indies and the Levant colonies, which ate Acadian cod supplied by the Boston fishing boats Although the king had not discussed fisheries with him in his written instructions, Talon concerned himself with them as soon as he reached Quebec. On 4 Oct. 1665 he announced to the minister that he had assembled some men for fishing work. The following year he reported on cod-fishing in the St. Lawrence and told how he had sent men to hunt seals. He endeavoured to have the settlers realize the advantages and profits that they could derive from fishing: he commissioned nine of them to fish for cod to supply the troops and the West Indies trade, in order to impart the desire to anyone who does not have it. And in fact, in 1667 he shipped to the West Indies salted salmon and eels, salt and dried cod, and seal oil. Talons ambition was to induce the settlers to develop fishing with a view to exporting. In 1666 he had an idea that bore fruit: fixed fisheries, which would be more profitable still than roving ones. The intendant dreamed of seeing the settlers located on their fishing grounds, attending to fishing in season and turning to lumbering or to hunting moose in the winter. This felicitous combination could not fail to attract enterprising spirits. Nevertheless it was not until 1671 and 1672 perhaps because of Talons absence from 1668 to 1670 that the first fishing centres were set up in the Gasp peninsula and Acadia, and on the Labrador coast. Shortly before leaving the colony, Talon was working at forming a company which would have brought into association the principal settlers who were interested in the fishing industry. He did not have time to carry out his plan, or else, did he meet some resistance among the colonists They, according to Frontenac, were afraid that wishing to be their own masters and directors of their businesses, they would lose their freedom to carry on in their own way. Did they have the impression, which was perhaps justified, that the intendant would have interfered a little too much in their activities However that may be, if the company did not come into existence, the movement in favour of fixed fisheries was so well launched that they were not given up after Talons departure although they were few in number, they enjoyed relative prosperity. The efforts which Talon exerted in the fields of agriculture, lumbering, and fishing, as well as his policy for peopling and colonizing the country, had as their ultimate aim the creation of a great trade. It was this aim that gave his work its admirable unity. In all sectors of the colonys economy he wanted to succeed in producing for export to transport merchandise, ships were needed: Talon had them built: whence the development, not only of the basic natural resources, but also of complementary industries, such as those for making tar and cordage. Canadian products would, naturally, be shipped to France, where there was a market for furs, fish, wood, hemp, tar, potash, as well as for iron, copper, and coal but most of Canadas products would be directed towards the West Indies, since New Frances economy complemented the mother countrys too little for there to be any hope of ever balancing their trade. Talon considered that it was possible however to balance Canadas trade through the southern part of America the West Indies, which was naturally deprived of the products necessary for food and clothing because of its exposure to the sun and its excessively hot climates. The intendant conceived of a three-way trade, Canada-West Indies-France, which, as a matter of fact, had been tried as early as 1653 by Jean-Paul Godefroy and his partners, although the results are not known. This triangular trade was started again by Talon in 1667, when he sent wood, fish, peas, and seal oil to the West Indies. The first trial was made by a ship belonging to the Compagnie des Indes occidentales, which returned to France laden with sugar. Each year after that two or three ships, some of which belonged to settlers, sailed to the West Indies with their cargo of products from Canada. In 1673, shortly before leaving Canada, Talon was optimistic: this trade, he wrote, is made up of the surplus of peas, salmon, salted eels, salt and dried cod, planks and stave wood, and it will grow with the surplus of wheat, which will be converted into flour, and it is estimated that Canada will be able to dispose of 30,000 bushels a year the quantity of peas may amount to 10,000 bushels salt meat, beef and pork, will not be the least important part of this trade, and I consider that. Canada will shortly be able to supply salt pork, which already she has stopped importing from France beer too enters into this trade, and I affirm that 2,000 hogsheads a year can be supplied to the Islands, and more, if they consume more there were even grounds for hoping soon to ship clothes of Canadian manufacture. These forecasts were not unreasonable. Unfortunately, Talons departure was fatal to his work and to the dealings with the West Indies: although they were not given up completely, they were never to justify the hopes that he had placed in them. The fact that navigation on the St. Lawrence was shut down for six months in winter and that ships could make only one trip a year did not help in developing trade. Combined with the enormous distances to be covered, this factor had an effect upon the profit-earning capacity of the exchanges. In 1669 Colbert had asked Talon to set up in Acadia some storage place where ships would have been able to unload and take on their merchandise and also make up enough time to complete two trips a year. Talon did not have time to create these warehouses it can be assumed however that the opening-up of the land route from Lvis to Pentagouet, of which he dreamed, was linked up with this plan. Talon wanted to set his great trade going with Acadia and Boston as well as with the West Indies. A stock-growing country, Acadia could supply salted meats. In 1671 for example the intendant had bought 60 quintals of beef there. In return Canada would send cereals and flour. In this way, and thanks to the line of communications which he hoped to open up between the two colonies, the intendant would have joined closely two regions of New France that had up till then been juxtaposed. Acadia had long been obtaining its supplies on the Boston market while trying to direct Acadias trade towards Quebec, the intendant did not nevertheless want to cut off economic relations with the English in America. With the kings approval he made advances to the authorities in Boston in order to set up a system of exchange. His departure, however, put a definite end to this bold plan. If the fruit of his efforts was almost entirely lost after Talon had returned to France, this can be ascribed in good measure to the lack of interest on the part of the court and the colonial administrators. Talons projects were workable the only thing that was to be lacking was effective support from his successors and financial aid from the mother country. On leaving France in 1665 Talon had received from the king a promise that he would have to stay only two years in Canada. Consequently in November 1666 he had reminded the monarch that the end of his term of office was approaching from Colbert he had requested permission to leave, in view of his ill health. Nevertheless on 5 April 1667 Colbert had told him that he was to spend a third year in New France. The following autumn Talon had been more insistent: his health and family matters compelled him to return to France. Yielding to his requests, Colbert had appointed to replace him the Sieur de Boutroue. who landed at Quebec in September 1668. Talon left shortly afterwards, on 10 November, regretted by all: Since he has been here as intendant, wrote Marie de lIncarnation, the country has developed and business has progressed more than they had done since the French have been here. There was satisfaction too in France. Colbert did not try to conceal it: he received Talon and accompanied him into the presence of the king, who talked for an hour with the former intendant. Delighted with the colonys progress, Louis XIV and the minister were afraid that Talons absence might harm Canada: they persuaded him to return there in the spring of 1669. Talon took advantage of his stay in Paris to have certain measures adopted: freedom of trade for Canada, the decree of 5 April 1669 giving assistance to marriages, another on 16 April for the control of import duties on Canadian cod and coal, and the return to New France of the Recollets. In addition, at his request Colbert allocated 200,000 livres to the colony, providing for the passage of 150 filles du roi . 6 companies of 50 soldiers each, and of more than 30 officers and gentlemen he gave orders for the sending of 12 mares, 2 stallions, and 50 ewes finally, he allowed him some shipwrights. Talons new commission was signed on 10 May 1669 on the 17th he received his instructions and on 15 July he sailed from La Rochelle after settling his family affairs. Caught in a gale, the ship spent three months struggling against the elements it finally put into Lisbon, to be shipwrecked shortly afterwards three leagues out of this port. Talon escaped safe and sound, but his arrival in New France was delayed by a year. It was not until 18 Aug. 1670, after being at sea for three months and going aground off Tadoussac, that he landed at Quebec. Immediately Talon took up his task again, pursuing aims that he had set himself during his first term as intendant. This time, however, he concerned himself greatly with the external affairs of the colony, even infringing on occasion upon the governors province. His new concerns, which caused him to send resolute persons to the four corners of the country discoverers and ambassadors are the outstanding feature of his second term of administration: he tried, in Lionel Groulxs words, to relate New France to its natural ties, geographic as well as economic, in short, to its American milieu. Hardly had he arrived than he was writing to Colbert on 10 Nov. 1670: This country is laid out in such a way that by means of the St. Lawrence one can go everywhere inland, thanks to the lakes which lead to its source in the West and to the rivers that flow into it along its shores, opening the way to the North and the South. Talon was hearing the fascinating appeal of the unknown regions along the inviting network of the river routes he was about to send forth his explorers. He was not however yielding to simple curiosity. His aim was to give the colony its natural frontiers, to organize its trade, to reinforce its alliances, so that what had been created on the shores of the St. Lawrence could attain its full development. In particular Talon felt the full weight of the presence of the English on the continent. He had in fact been disturbed about it from the time of his first administration. On 13 Nov. 1666, for example, he had suggested to Louis XIV and Colbert the conquest or the acquisition of New Holland in order, he said, to provide a second way of access to Canada and to prevent pelts from being diverted to Manhattan and Orange moreover, he added, this would be the means of putting the Iroquois at the mercy of the French and of shutting the English up inside the boundaries of their territories. This idea, which was to be taken up again at the end of the century, was not accepted by the court. Nevertheless Talon gave proof of keen political vision, as he also did when he confided to Tracy and Courcelle his fear that in the event of war the English would attack Canada simultaneously from the upper and lower reaches of the St. Lawrence. This was foreseeing, 24 years ahead, almost exactly the tactics of the English when, in 1690, they sought to hem in the colony. During his second mandate Talon was even more obsessed by these preoccupations. Thus, in the autumn of 1670 he told the minister about the acts of piracy by the Iroquois, who were seizing French furs to sell them to the English and the Dutch. To put an end to this practice, which each year was costing Canadas trade 1,200,000 livres of beaver pelts, he suggested two posts, one to the north and the other to the south of Lake Ontario, to protect the movement of the Ottawa Indians coming to trade, and the building of a galley to ensure freedom of navigation on the lake. In order to carry out this project he asked for a company of 100 soldiers and 15,000 livres . In reply Colbert told him to transmit this idea to M. de Courcelle, on whom the responsibility rested, so that he might carry it out if it were worthwhile. Still with a view to increasing the profits of the fur trade, Talon made another suggestion, a very daring one: that an attempt be made to harness the Ottawa Rapids, which interfere to such an extent with the Indians travelling by water, that sometimes they are discouraged from coming down to us to bring us their pelts. The Indians, who would profit from this, would pay in return some slight tax on the furs that they would be transporting. The desire to get ahead of the English by taking possession of territory, the need to extend the trade in furs, the obsession with the China Sea, together with the search for mines: these were the motives that incited Talon to set in motion a veritable exploration programme. In his usual way he wanted these undertakings to be carried out in an orderly manner: In all places these adventurers the explorers are to keep diaries and answer on their return to the instructions that I have given them in writing. In all places they are to take possession, set up the Kings arms, and draw up reports to serve as title claims. At the moment that Talon was writing these lines, in the autumn of 1670, a year had already gone by since Cavelier de La Salle had set out, supplied with letters patent from M. de Courcelle and accompanied by the Sulpicians Dollier de Casson and Brhant de Galine, to look for the Ohio River and the Gulf of California. However, by 1 Oct. 1669 the impetuous La Salle had left the two religious, on the pretext of returning to Montreal. Whatever he did after this date, it is certain that he did not go as far as the Ohio at least he never claimed that he did, and no document substantiates it. The Sulpicians for their part had reached the north shore of Lake Erie, of which they had taken possession before returning to Montreal on 18 June 1670. Shortly after his return to the colony Talon certainly met La Salle, whom he sent in the autumn of 1670 towards the south, in search of the passage to the China Sea. Once again nothing is known of the comings and goings of the temperamental explorer, except that he was at Montreal on 6 Aug. 1671. In the autumn however Talon maintained that he had no news of him he left the colony in 1672, before La Salle had given any news of himself. Clearly the explorer had not carried out his mission. To the regions that had been visited by Dollier and Galine, Talon sent Simon-Franois Daumont de Saint-Lusson, to whom he gave the task of taking possession, in the name of the king of France, of the whole central region of America. In addition Saint-Lusson was to go as far as possible, as long as he had what he needed to live on, in order to ascertain with care whether there is, by means of lakes and rivers, any way of reaching the Southern Sea, which separates this continent from China. Having left in October 1670 with Nicolas Perrot. Saint-Lusson spent the winter on Manitoulin Island, whence he forwarded to several nations an invitation to assemble in the spring at Sault Ste. Marie. There, on 4 June 1671, in the presence of the delegates of 14 Indian nations and with all the pomp and circumstance that the country would allow, Saint-Lusson took possession of the aforesaid place of Sainte-Marie du Sault, as also of Lakes Huron and Superior, the le de Caienton, and of all the other countries, rivers, lakes, and nearby or contiguous streams, already or still to be discovered, which are confined on the one side by the Northern and Western Seas and on the other by the Southern Sea, as well as in all their length or breadth. At one fell swoop part of an empire came under Frances jurisdiction. Saint-Lusson, it seems, scarcely pushed on past Sault Ste. Marie, bringing back at the most some second-hand information about the link with the Southern Sea. He probably told the intendant about the Mississippi, which was much talked about in the Great Lakes region and which, it was believed, flowed into the Gulf of California. In the summer of 1672, perhaps losing hope of seeing La Salle come back, Talon entrusted Louis Jolliet with going to the mouth of this river in order to verify that it did indeed flow into the China Sea. In 1674 Jolliet was to return with the certainty that the Mississippi flowed into the Gulf of Mexico hope was however to be preserved of finding, through one of its tributaries, the Western Passage that was so much desired. In any event, thanks to Talons vision three quarters of the American continent, to the west and the south, came under French sovereignty in a period of a few years. Talons attention was also directed towards the north, still little known, whence came, through the hands of the Ottawa Indians, the finest furs. In the summer of 1671 he chose the Jesuit Charles Albanel and Paul Denys de Saint-Simon to make an expedition in this direction: the explorers were to go to Hudson Bay, make reports on everything that they discovered, establish trade in pelts with the Indians, and take possession of the territories in addition they were to investigate whether it was advisable to establish on Hudson Bay a warehouse which could replenish supplies for the ships which will subsequently be able to discover by this route the connecting passage between the Northern and Southern Seas. Albanel and his companion were the first Frenchmen Radisson and Chouart Des Groseilliers excepted to reach James Bay, which they took possession of, although the English were already there. Talon was seeking on every side the passage to the Western Sea. He was very much interested in the suggestion made to him at this time by a certain Capt. Poulet, who proposed searching for this passage and accomplishing the circumnavigation of America, either by the Northern Sea or the Straits of Magellan. With the intendants departure, however, this project came to naught. In his endeavour to link all parts of the colony with the vital centre in the St. Lawrence valley, Talon did not overlook the eastern territories, and chiefly Acadia. Probably attracted by the idea of setting up there a seaport that would be open in all seasons, and aware of the necessity of defending this province that was adjacent to the rival American colonies, Talon conceived the plan of a land route which would link Acadia to Quebec he thought of it as having at regular intervals dwellings which would serve as relay stations. To reconnoitre the ground, he formed two teams which had the task of studying the regions of the Kennebec and Saint John rivers. He fixed his choice upon the latter region. In 1672 Talon gave a start to the execution of his project by granting fiefs on the route foreseen from Lvis to Pentagouet. From 1670 to 1672, then, Talon pursued major aims which explain his whole work: to link the different parts of New France firmly to the nerve centre of the colony on the St. Lawrence to build up a network of alliances which would funnel towards Quebec the furs from the north, west, and south to guarantee the integrity and defence of French territory by taking possession of it, by making economic and military treaties, and by developing the frontier regions finally, to find the China Sea and, perhaps, a second outlet for New France. To these aims must be added that of discovering mines, with which Talon had been concerned even before leaving for New France following information he had received at La Rochelle, he had put into port at Gasp in 1665 to pick up some lead ore there. During his first administration, he collected information about coal, iron, lead, and copper mines he sent ore regularly to France to be analysed. But despite his efforts he met with only very relative success. In addition to the coal mine which the intendant had discovered in 1666 in the cliff at Quebec but which was impossible to work, there was another on Cape Breton Island which was rich in coal of excellent quality. In 1670 Talon sent Capt. Poulet to inspect this mine, from which it was thought the ore could easily be extracted, so that a 150-ton ship could take on a full load in a week. The assays confirmed the excellent quality of the product, which was nevertheless considered to be a little too small for use in large furnaces. Despite the existence of this mine and the diminution of import duties on Canadian coal, there was only a very limited trade in it under the French rgime. As for iron, traces of it were detected in many places but the veins were insignificant or the assays by the specialists inconclusive. However, Talon did not give up hope of setting up in the colony forges that would supply the iron necessary for ship-building. In 1670 he had brought from France an ironmaster, the Sieur de La Potardire, who affirmed that the deposits in the region of Trois-Rivires were very promising. Talon immediately sent him back to France with 20 barrels of ore and sand from Trois-Rivires. While waiting for the result of the analyses and La Potardires return, he had ore extracted in anticipation of future working. Unfortunately the ironmaster did not come back and Talon had to return to France. The mine at Trois-Rivires was not worked until the 18th century. Talon had even less success with lead. Immediately upon arriving at Quebec in 1665 he had given the metal-founder of the Compagnie des Indes occidentales the task of examining the mine at Gasp. It was judged to be of poor quality. The following year the intendant sent a new team to Gasp. An explosion killed two workmen the expedition returned to Quebec and the project was abandoned. It was in August 1667, when the Jesuit Allouez brought him a piece of very pure copper ore from Lake Superior, that Talon began to become interested in this mineral. In the autumn of 1668 he chose Adrien Jolliet and Jean Per to go to find out whether the copper mine. is rich and the ore easily extracted and brought down here the explorers were in addition supposed to look for an easier route than the usual one to transport the copper from Lake Superior to Montreal. Jolliet (who died during the voyage) and Per could not find the mine however, they discovered a new route, via Lake Huron, Lake St. Clair and Lake Erie, which allowed traffic to avoid the rapids on the Ottawa River. In 1670, still eager to find the exact site of the mine, the intendant entrusted Saint-Lusson with the search for it this was, in Talons words, the principal object of his mission. Saint-Lusson, we know, went to Sault Ste. Marie, of which he took possession it is more than probable however that he did not see Lake Superior, neglecting the primary aim of his trip. At all events, he did not bring back any more news than had Per about the famous copper mine, of which no one ever succeeded in discovering the lode. Frontenac had new searches carried out at the beginning of his governorship, but without any success. He considered besides that the distances to be covered made this mine impracticable. Frontenac was probably right. The absence of suitable means of prospecting for and working mines, the lack of skilled manpower, the enormous distances, the difficulty of transport, all these were obstacles that made any mining development in New France in the 17th century almost impossible, despite the goodwill of administrators like Talon. Talons boundless activity during his two stays in Canada did not fail to antagonize some people. On a few occasions he complained, in his correspondence to the minister, of the opposition that he was encountering in carrying out his plans he was not, he said, to everyones liking. In particular he clashed with M. de Courcelle, the merchants, the Compagnie des Indes occidentales, and the Church. From the time of his first administration, and especially after M. de Tracys departure, Talon had had to put up with certain vexations from Courcelle, who seems to have been somewhat jealous of the intendants very extensive powers and offended by the influence that he wielded in the colony, where nothing was done without his approval. Courcelle was the first to experience the dramatic plight of the governors, to whom, under the French rgime, the greatest honours were rendered but whose real authority was very much less than that of the intendants and whose prerogatives were limited to the areas of war and diplomacy. When he asked to be relieved of his office, moreover, Talon stressed, among other things, that the governors attitude did not permit him to stay any longer in Canada. The disagreement was even more serious during Talons second term of office, especially since he took it into his head to enter into the sector of external relations, thus encroaching upon the prerogatives of the governor. Courcelle may have been less imaginative and above all less active than he, but he rightfully became very resentful of this conduct: when he was afraid of meeting some opposition from the governor, Talon acted without consulting him, in fields in which the governor had a say. In short, it was whispered about in the colony that M. Talon wanted to combine the role of the governor with that of the intendant. Courcelle, who could not be unaware of this, was certainly hurt by it. The rumour was not without foundation: in January 1672 Patoulet wrote to the minister that Talon wanted to be recalled, unless he remained alone in the country. Talon and Courcelle each had, it seems, his share of the responsibility for this dissension, which became deeper each day. The business men also heaped upon the intendant reproaches which were similar to Courcelles: Talon was encroaching upon the whole of business, to the detriment of the established merchants and companies taking advantage of his privileged position, he was bringing in from France, free of charge, merchandise with which he was flooding the colonys market. This practice, it is true, was not to the advantage of the local merchants or those from France it was however to the advantage of the colony as a whole. Nor did this criticism take into account the fact that Talon invested in Canada the sums that he took in from these operations, in the ship-building industry, the brewery, the manufacturing industries. He simply plunged into business and competed with the merchants. From the very beginning however he had come to an understanding with Colbert, who had given him his approval. Later, on 10 Nov. 1670, he brought up the question again: On this matter I must draw to your attention that if all the money that the King authorizes for Canada were brought here, and if it were used in cash, not only would this not be to the countrys advantage, but double the amount would be spent. This practice of converting the Kings money into products which are suitable for food, or into clothing or tools, and which serve for the setting up of soldiers, girls who get married, and new families which come here, is not agreeable to the merchants, who would like everything, be it of good or bad quality, to be bought from them, and at such high prices that expenditures would have to be doubled if we were reduced to doing what they desire. These goods also are of use to exchange for wheat, and it is for this purpose that I have sent some of them to various parts, where they are to be distributed to the settlers who live at a distance from Quebec, so that, finding the things they need on the spot, they will not have to leave their families for 3 or 4 days in order to come to get them at Quebec itself, and also so that the quantities of wheat received in payment can be transported here by a single boat. I am dealing with this matter and discussing it because I have been informed that a merchant in La Rochelle has complained to M. de Terron that I was meddling too much in business and that I had stores set up in Canada I add that if I had not had some, s everal of the enterprises that are begun or already completed would have failed utterly, and nothing would please some people better. On 11 Feb. 1671 Colbert again expressed his approval of Talons reasoning and said in conclusion that it was very important to continue sending goods and always to keep the money in the kingdom. In his struggle with the Compagnie des Indes occidentales, which had been set up by Colbert himself, Talon did not obtain the ministers support so easily. From the time of his first contact with New France he had perceived that His Majestys interests in the development of the country and those of the company were very often opposed, and that the company was in many respects an obstacle to the progress of the colony. By the very fact of its existence it interfered with the machinery of the governmental institutions that had recently been created. The king continued in fact to appoint the governors and the intendants, with whom he remained in constant touch and through whom he directed the whole colonial policy. For their part the governors and intendants strove to put into effect the kings policy and to enforce royal authority everywhere. The intendants were already endeavouring to bring about a considerable centralization of the administration of justice. Consequently the royal policy often ran counter to the rights and privileges of the company, which considered that it was being wronged. On the other hand, the exclusive right of trade and shipping which the company held by virtue of Article 15 of its charter acted as a check upon the development of New France: this clause discouraged any spirit of initiative among the colonists and made them extremely dependent upon the company. Talons idea was that only freedom of trade and shipping could ensure the colonys progress, which could only result from the joint effort of the authorities and the settlers. While still at La Rochelle in 1665 Talon had had to intervene with the companys agents, who were refusing the inhabitants of Canada the right to import certain articles of merchandise when he had arrived in Quebec, he had realized that the trade monopoly worked to the detriment of the population. Therefore on 4 Oct. 1665 he had presented the following alternative to Colbert: if, in setting up the company, the king wanted to enrich it, without having as his aim the extension of the habitations in this country and the increasing of its settlers, it was necessary to safeguard all the companys rights and privileges if, on the contrary, the king desired the colonys progress, I cannot convince myself that he will succeed in his intention by leaving in hands other than his own the seigniory, the ownership of the land, the appointment of priests, and, I add, even trade, which is the soul of the foundation that he has in mind. This was declaring strongly and courageously against the very existence of the company. Although far from agreeing with him, Colbert nevertheless told Talon in his reply of 5 Jan. 1666 that His Majesty, as an experiment, had had the Company condescend to give up in the settlers favour trade with the Indians, and that in addition the company had consented for this year to grant freedom of trade to all persons without distinction. In 1668 the Conseil Souverain wrote to the minister to request of him again this free trade which the company had allowed only for 1666. According to the councillors the stores were so poorly supplied with goods that the settlers were in danger of lacking essentials furthermore, the prices demanded by the company were excessive. This letter and Talons efforts led the king to decide to grant freedom of trade to Canada in 1669 once and for all. At the same time that he was fighting for freedom of trade, Talon fought to obtain for the colony an adequate budget. But, by virtue of its charter it was the Compagnie des Indes occidentales that was supposed to assume the ordinary expenses of the country, as the Compagnie des Cent-Associs and the Communaut des Habitants had done previously. In order to discharge its obligations, the Communaut des Habitants had decided to impose a levy on beaver pelts amounting to a quarter of their value and a tenth on moose hides to this initial fund was added a little later the revenue from the Tadoussac trading organization. The sums that were collected thus, called the revenue of the colony, were allocated to the ordinary expenses. The Compagnie des Indes occidentales claimed that these revenues had been ceded to it for 40 years, along with the seigneury of New France. Talon, who meant to be as independent of the company as possible, contested its ownership of these rights he wanted at the least to make it record its receipts, so that its earnings could be known. On 5 March 1666 however Colbert answered him, saying that the company actually did hold the rights that he was contesting, and he sent him a copy of a decree dated 8 April 1666 which ruled upon this question. There was still to be determined the amount of the countrys ordinary expenses. On 18 Aug. 1666 Le Barroys offered to pay all pay and expenses of the officers according to a scale adopted by the agents of the company. Talon protested: according to the decree of 8 April the expenses were to be met on the same basis as they were by the former company and by the. Communaut. A memoir by Gaudais - Dupont indicated that the Communaut des Habitants paid the sum of 48,950 livres Le Barroys however was offering only 29,200 livres . Talon brought the matter to the attention of the minister, who fixed the companys contribution at 36,000 livres . which was considerably less than the revenues of the Tadoussac trading organization alone. Talon was convinced from that time on that the company cared very little for the colony, but was seeking above all to increase its profits. The intendant had judged correctly: the system of company ownership did not suit New France by 1674, ruined and stripped of its prestige, the Compagnie des Indes occidentales ended its career prematurely. If Talon undertook his struggles with the merchants and the Compagnie des Indes occidentales on his own initiative, it was at Colberts request that he began to keep an eye on the activities of the ecclesiastics in New France, in conformity with the following article in his instructions: . the aforementioned Sieur Talon will take note that those who have given the most faithful and the most disinterested accounts of the said country have always declared that the Jesuits (whose piety and zeal have greatly contributed to attracting to that country the people who are now there) have acquired an authority that goes beyond the limits of their true profession, which must be concerned only with consciences. In order to maintain their position there, they were very happy to nominate the bishop of Petraea Laval to carry out the episcopal functions there, as he is entirely under their sway, and right up to the present either they have nominated governors to represent the king in that country or they have used all possible means to obtain the recall of those who had been chosen for this task without their participation, so that, as it is absolutely necessary to maintain a just balance between the temporal authority which resides in the person of the King and of those who represent him, and the spiritual authority which resides in the person of the said bishop and the Jesuits, but in such a way that the latter be subordinated to the former, Talon was to take care to watch closely the state of these two authorities in the country at present and the state in which they should normally be kept. Such a paragraph even though it was full of erroneous details, particularly concerning the appointment and recall of the governors could not help but incite Talon to examine closely the conduct of the ecclesiastics in addition it supplied him with a precise guide with respect to what should be the position of the spiritual authority in relation to the temporal. Talon, who was going to prove to be strongly Gallican, and very suspicious in addition, had illustrious examples in his own family: the attorneys-general Omer and Denis Talon, who were very famous in Paris, were out and out Gallicans of Omer Talon it was possible to write that, not satisfied with exaggerating the doctrines of Pithou and Richer, he enriched the code of gallicanism with new articles and was the first to put them into practice. Moreover, by his own behaviour Colbert was going to encourage Talon in his suspicions regarding the Canadian Church. However, Talons first report, which was sent to Colbert 4 Oct. 1665, was not unfavourable: . I say that if in the past the Jesuits matched temporal authority with spiritual, they have very much amended their conduct, and provided that they always keep it as it seems to me to be today, there will be no need to guard against it in the future. This impression however changed little by little into a kind of hostility, which caused the intendant to commit the error that he was blaming the Church for: he interfered on a few occasions in questions which rested entirely with the bishop and belonged to ecclesiastical discipline. This change of attitude came about between October 1665 and November 1666, when he wrote that if he were willing to leave the Church on the level of authority on which I found it, I should have less trouble and should receive more approbation. Must this change of attitude be attributed to the affair of the seigneury of Notre-Dame-des-Anges, which has been mentioned and which brought him into conflict with the Jesuits, who were not disposed to let their lands be expropriated Or rather, was it due to the bad opinion that he had had of the Jesuit Albanel, who had been unjustly accused by M. de Courcelle of having dissuaded the Indians from taking part in his war party in the winter of 1666 In any event, nothing else seems to have troubled the relations between church and state in 1666. In March 1667 the intendant made a great deal of fuss about what has been called the affair of the Dames de la Sainte-Famille. This pious association, which had been canonically founded by Bishop Laval, forbade its members to take part in society gatherings and dances. Now, during the carnival of 1667 people had had a very good time at Quebec: Louis-Thandre Chartier de Lotbinire had given the first ball in Canada, and there had no doubt been numerous joyful gatherings. Several of the Dames de la Sainte-Famille, it seems, had forgotten the regulations of the association. In agreement with the directors of the sisterhood, Bishop Laval decided to suspend its meetings. Thereupon Talon lost his temper, seeing in the bishops gesture an intrusion by the Church upon social liberties. A fine affair, indeed On 14 March 1667 the intendant laid the matter before the Conseil Souverain, which ruled, through two commissioners, that gatherings during the carnival could not be condemned. Talon did not perhaps dare go further, and the incident ended there. Obviously the intendant had taken offence, intervening without any reason in the internal administration of a religious association which people were free to belong to and which, besides, in no way depended upon the state. A little later that same year there arose the question of the tithe, which had been instituted in 1663 and set at a thirteenth but had not yet been put into force, in consequence of the settlers firm opposition even an ordinance by M. de Tracy had not been able to impose it. On 23 Aug. 1667 Tracy, Courcelle, and Talon set the tithe at a twenty-sixth for a period of 20 years. This diminution was certainly not agreeable to the clergy, whose needs were great Bishop Laval had nevertheless to accept it. At the beginning of the 18th century Bertrand de Latour claimed that Talon was responsible for the change made in the rate of the tithe, but there is no proof of this. It would however not be astonishing if Talon, engrossed in the settlement of colonists, wanted to lighten their burden it was probably he, besides, who was responsible for the clause which exempted new colonists from this tax for five years. More painful to Bishop Laval was Talons volte-face when, after co-operating with the Conseil Souverain in forbidding the bartering of alcoholic beverages to the Indians, he had the council adopt, 10 Nov. 1668, an ordinance permitting this commerce but forbidding the Indians to become drunk. Although he was present at this meeting, Bishop Laval did not sign the minutes. Henceforth, except for a few restrictions, trade in spirits was going to be legal in the colony until the end of the French rgime. It was a hard blow for the bishop and the Jesuits, who, for moral reasons, had fought this trade unceasingly. The expropriation of part of the seigneury of Notre-Dame-des-Anges, the affair concerning the Dames de la Saint-Famille, the question of the tithes, and the authorizing of trade in spirits, these were the only episodes during his first term of office that brought Talon into conflict with the Church moreover, during his second stay in the colony, not once did he enter into conflict with the ecclesiastical authority. Is all this sufficient to conclude that Talon was Gallican in sentiment Perhaps not: in two of these incidents at least he did not act from Gallican principles. It is in his correspondence, however, that he shows himself to be deeply imbued with Gallican doctrines, continually accusing the Canadian Church of interfering with the temporal power and of disturbing peoples consciences by recourse to spiritual constraints. But it is noteworthy that Talon never cites names, never gives precise details he always confines himself to vague accusations. Moreover, in studying his two administrations, one finds few cases in which he had to intervene with the ecclesiastical authorities. It seems that, being suspicious by nature, very firmly convinced in addition of the eminent priority of the state, Talon often exaggerated small incidents, as in the affair of the Dames de la Sainte-Famille, seeing intrusions upon the temporal authority where there was none and lending a too willing ear to rumours and hearsay. Perhaps too, without ever saying so, he was in profound disagreement with the clergy on the question of the trade in alcoholic beverages, which would explain his surprising change of attitude on 10 Nov. 1668. Talon, convinced that the Jesuits and the secular clergy with the exception of the Sulpicians, whom he favoured as much as he could tormented consciences and kept the population in a state of moral subjection, conceived the idea of bringing to New France a religious order which might counterbalance the influence of the former and exercise the ministry while respecting liberty of conscience. He applied himself to this matter in France in 1669, with the result that in 1670 he arrived in the colony together with some Recollets. However, Talon did not seem to realize how dangerous it was to set one part of the clergy against the other, no more indeed than he was conscious of his interference in the ecclesiastical affairs of New France. Leaving aside his uneasy Gallicanism and his tendency to ignore an authority that was too close to his own, one can hardly criticize Talon, whose two administrations five and a half years in all changed the face of New France. Of a colony centred solely upon subsistence agriculture and the fur trade, he began to make an industrial and commercial country to a population that was too small, he brought numbers to an embryonic and as yet ill-balanced society he ensured order and justice to a New France whose frontiers were too restricted, he gave the dimensions of an empire in a word, he laid in America the bases of that great Kingdom, of that very great State, of which he had dreamt from the very first day. The starting-point of his work was certainly the programme laid out by Colbert. In large measure the intendant simply complied with this programme he was never, however, the blind executant of a plan that had been drawn up in advance. He had first of all the merit of understanding Colberts plan and aims he adapted his projects, adding to them or cutting them down as necessary, even fighting them when they clashed with his own views. He created for himself a personal conception of New France and strove, especially during his second term of office, to impose it. His inventive genius led him to make of what was simply a programme of colonization a veritable policy, all of whose elements were tightly knit together and which foresaw the complete development of the colony. Gifted with a remarkable mind for synthesis, rapid in conceiving ideas as in realizing them, he had all the qualities necessary for his office. He was both the architect and the builder of his work. A true theorist, he did not abhor invoking the great political principles upon which he based his activity a formidable dialectician, he knew how to expound and defend his projects as well as to fight contrary opinions. A talent for speculation complemented admirably in him the practical, realistic, and efficient man of action. Powerful in conception, steadfast in decision, and swift in execution: these characteristics in Intendant Talon suffice to account for his career in Canada. In addition, throughout his stay in Canada Talon exhibited a social sense of which his period has left us few examples. From the time of his first term of office he had established personal contact with the population, visiting each of the settlers at census time, entering their homes and discussing with them their needs and aspirations. His social preoccupations can be detected, for example, in the reasons he gave for setting up dwellings in communities, in the type of aid and encouragement that he gave the settlers, in his plan to ensure Canadian society of an lite by distributing some patents of nobility, in the preambles to his ordinances, in particular to that of 5 June 1672 forbidding men to take to the woods (which would deserve to be quoted), and in his constant concern for teaching. In the work-yards and factories of the colony, indeed, craftsmen from France taught their art to the settlers and soldiers likewise the agricultural developments were in effect schools where the old settlers revealed their secrets about agriculture in Canada to the indentured employees who had recently landed at Quebec, at Talons request, a teacher introduced young Canadians to mathematics in short, wrote the intendant, the young men of Canada are dedicated and rush to the schools of science, into the arts and crafts, and especially into seamanship. Talon must receive credit for realizing that it was not enough to develop the economy in order to make something great of the colony he subordinated his whole work to the welfare of the few thousand human beings who were entrusted to his care. The incomparable intendant, as Mother Juchereau de Saint-Ignace called him, left the colony for good in November 1672. At the time of his departure Canada had become one immense work-yard: in the summer of 1671 nearly 350 men had been counted in the workshops that had been created by Talon. The whole of New France was looking confidently to the future. Unfortunately this effort was not kept up. From 1672 on the king stopped giving any effective aid to the young colony in the form of funds besides, and this is perhaps the most important factor, three years went by before a successor to Talon was appointed, so that New France was left under the sole direction of Frontenac, whose experience and ability were above all military. In several sectors Talons work was soon undone. Other intendants came to Canada, some of whom were not lacking in talent, but circumstances were no longer as favourable as they had been in the period when Louis XIV and Colbert held the destinies of the colony firmly in their hands. New Frances only great period, from 1665 to 1672, was gone for ever. Shortly after returning to France, Talon, who had already been captain and governor of the chteau of Mariemont since 1670, received the important and very honourable office of first valet of the Kings Wardrobe and secretary in his privy chamber. In addition Talons property of Les Islets, which had been created a barony on 14 Mar. 1671, was raised to a countship in May 1675, under the name of Orsainville. These royal favours show in what esteem the former intendant was held by Louis XIV. Occasionally he used his influence on behalf of New France and of his nephew, Franois-Marie Perrot. governor of Montreal. In particular, being favourable to the trade in spirits with the Indians, he became Colberts adviser on this matter, which earned for him the enmity of the Canadian clergy. Thus, in 1681, when he thought of going to Canada to set up a general hospital, the churchmen became alarmed, thinking, rightly or wrongly, that his real intention was to return as intendant or even as governor. But this project was soon given up. An influential personage, often in contact with Louis XIV, a friend of James II of England who was in exile in Paris, protected by Mme de Maintenon, Talon lived in affluence in Paris, in the rue du Bac, when his duties did not require his presence at Versailles. In 1692 he sold his offices as valet and secretary, the first for 110,000 livres and the second for 143,000. As he felt his end approaching, he drew up his will 29 April 1694. He died a bachelor on the following 24 November and was buried in the chapel of Sainte-Catherine in the church of Notre-Dame-en-Vaux, at Chlons-sur-Marne. Recensements de 1666, 1667. Acte de naissance de Jean Talon, BRH . LXVII (1961), 62. Pierre Boucher, Histoire vritable et naturelle des moeurs et productions du pays de la Nouvelle-France, vulgairement dite de Canada (Paris, 1664). Correspondance de Frontenac (167282), APQ Rapport, 192627 . 3144. Correspondance de Talon, APQ Rapport, 193031 . 3182. dits ord . I, 3035, 4048 III, 3340. Marie Guyart de lIncarnation, Lettres (Richaudeau), II, passim . JR (Thwaites), passim . JJ (Laverdire et Casgrain), passim . Juchereau, Annales (Jamet), passim . Jug . et dlib . I, passim . Lettres de noblesse (P.-G. Roy), I, 3746. Ordonnances de Talon, dans P.-G. Roy, Inv . ord . int . III, 21877 et Ord . comm . (P.-G. Roy), I, 2685, 96129. Papier terrier de la Cie des I . O . (P.-G. Roy). P.-G. Roy, Inv . concessions, passim . Chapais, Talon . Pierre Clment, Histoire de Colbert (3e d. Paris, 1892). Joseph Cossette, Jean Talon, champion au Canada du gallicanisme royal, 16651672, RHAF . XI (195758), 32748. J.-N. Fauteux, Essai sur lindustrie au Canada sous le Rgime franais (2v. Qubec, 1927). Ren Gobillot, La tombe de Jean Talon, NF . VI (1931), 251. Lionel Groulx, Histoire du Canada franais depuis la dcouverte (4v. Montral, 195052), I, 69145. Roland Lamontagne, Succs dintendance de Talon (Montral, 1964). 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Vi skiller oss fra andre knivselgere ved ikke bare å gjennomføre et stort utvalg på lager (over 2.000.000 i varelager), men også ved å levere det til deg så fort som mulig med prisvinnende service. If you have a question we have staff here that can get you the answer. Need a knife engraved or personalized We have that covered too. Since our roots dating back to 1998 we have been an industry leader in engraved knives. We engrave in excess of 50,000 knives per year and specialize in large corporate promotional knife orders as well as engraved knives for incentive awards and engraved knives for groomsmen. We invite you to discover the DLT Difference. Read our reviews online, check us out on KnifeForums or BladeForums, or ask your friends who have shopped with us and see why you deserve the DLT Difference on your next knife purchase. DLT Trading is able to offer quality brand knives that rival any retailer in the world, without sacrificing service for growth or profits. Top Selling Brands Other Popular Brands Ambush Knives Arno Bernard Bark River Knives Blackjack Chris Reeve Knives EnZo Knives Fallkniven Fenix Flashlights Fiddleback Forge Great Eastern Cutlery Hess Knives Kabar Koster Knives Hinderer Knives Lon Humphrey LT Wright Knives Medford Knife amp Tool Strider SOG Swiss Army TOPS Knives Zero ToleranceMinn Kota 12039 Talon Anchor System (Black, 1810412) See more Talon Anchor Systems here in various colors and sizes. Features: Selectable anchoring mode Built-in wave absorption LED depth indicators Multi-stage Deployment Fastest Deployment on the market Product Description Put your boat on lockdown and put fish on notice. The. See more Talon Anchor Systems here in various colors and sizes. Features: Selectable anchoring mode Built-in wave absorption LED depth indicators Multi-stage Deployment Fastest Deployment on the market Product Description Put your boat on lockdown and put fish on notice. The faster you lock into your spot, the sooner you can get your line back in the water. Thats why we built a shallow water anchor that deploys quicker, holds stronger and runs quieter. Then we made it better. Our new 12 and 10 Talons anchor deeper, run smarter and feature innovations that no other anchor can touch. Minn Kota Talon Blue Black 10 Anchor System. Talon is available as a two-stage deployment anchor that reaches 6 and 8 anchoring depths, or as a three-stage deployment anchor that reaches 10 or 12 anchoring depths. 6 and 8 models are available in silver. 10 and 12 models are available in an assortment of colors. Features:Electro-Mechanical DesignWith no hydraulics, the lightweight, space-saving Talon is as easy toinstall as a trolling motor. User-Selectable Anchoring ModesAnchoring in hard bottom isnt the same as anchoring into mud. With Talon, you can choose between multiple modes to ensure the right holdand fast, easy anchor retraction. Auto UpDownHit the button, then get back to fishing. Only Talon has Auto UpDown, whichmakes lowering and raising the anchor as easy as using a cars automaticwindows. Fast, Vertical Deployment2X anchoring force. Talon is built with double the force of the competition to lock you intoyour spot with unparalleled strength and security. Built-In Wave AbsorptionTalon allows your boat to move up or down without affecting the anchor. Itsexclusive built-in floating suspension keeps you locked to the bottom, evenin rough water. LED Depth IndicatorThe LED lights on Talon show you how far down youre deployed with eachlight indicating one foot (on 6 and 8 models) or two feet (on 10 and 12models) of depth. Deployment Notification AlarmIf you try to take off while the anchor is deployed, the audible alert withlet you know. Standard Wireless RemotesTwo wireless remotes ndash and a dash mount holder ndash come standard to give youpush-button control of Talon from anywhere on the boat. Triple Debris ShieldsThree custom-fit shields on the bottom and inside of Talon prevent mud oranything else from being pulled back into the unit. Versatile AdjustmentsWhile other anchors limit you to one position, Talons Quick Release Bracketenables up and down adjustment, 30 of pivoting, and easyremoval when Talons not in Talon AnchorWeve lowered the anchor, raised the bar and silenced the competition. The Talons are completely redesigned with a motor thats 30 more powerful, 30 quieter, and 100 guaranteed to be the last shallow water anchor youll ever need. Game On. Gloves Off. No shallow water anchor makes a statement like Talon. Our unprecedented models feature bold color options, and they give fish nowhere to run and nowhere to hide.30 More PowerAnchor anywhere, and retract any time. The Talon gives you all the power you need for any situation.30 Less NoiseSpeak softly and carry a 12-foot stick. This motor is 30 quieter, so fish cant hear Talon coming. Put your boat on Lockdown and put fish on notice. The faster you lock into your spot, the sooner you can get your line back in the water. Thats why we built a shallow water anchor that deploys quicker, holds stronger and runs quieter. Then we made it better. These Talons anchor deeper, run smarter and feature innovations that no other anchor can touch. SPEEDTalon deploys quickly and automatically so you can get your line in the water fasterFast DeployHead-to-head, our spike deploys faster than the competition, so you can get into position quickly. Multi-Stage DeploymentQuick, quiet, sequential vertical deployment lets Talon anchor faster and deeper without interfering with y Minn Kota 10 Talon Shallow Water Anchor Black Brand New Includes Five Year Warranty, The Minn Kota 18104021810412 Talon shallow water anchor 10 or 12 can be easily deployed by tapping a button on your wireless remote to avoid the disturbance of holding it down and waiting. This talon holds steady even in currents and highwinds. It delivers strongest possible hold with Auto-Drive, which automatically powers the spike into the bottom with three successive hits, using increasing force on each hit. The Talon Shallow Water Anchor possesses a simple design and it is designed to run quiet so it wont scare fishes even. The lightweight design makes it easy to install as like a trolling motor, with no messy, complicated hydraulic pumps and hoses. Other main features includes durable fibreglass spike and deployement notification alarm and built-in wave absorption. Talon Shallow Water Anchor Features: Product 1810402 (10 Feet), Product 1810412 (12 Feet), Talon Shallow Water Anchor, Fast Deploy - Spike Deploys Faster For Getting In Position Quickly, Auto UpDown - Deploy Talon w Button On wireless Remote or Control Panel, User Selectable Anchoring Modes - Adapts Easily To Changing Conditions, 3 Auto-Drive Sequences - For Triple Strength Hold, Rough Water Mode, Built-In Wave Absorption, Quiet Running, Wont Spook Fish, Simple Innovative Design, Versatile Adjustments, 2 Standard Wireless Remotes, LED Depth Indicator, Deployment Notification Alarm The fastest, strongest, quietest shallow water anchor has reached a new low. 12 feet, to be exact. The bolder, smarter, more colorful new 12-foot Talons are the best boat control and positioning tools in the game. They put you on the fish and keep you there, with legendary Minn Kota ruggedness, bold new colors and exclusive innovations that no other shallow water anchor can touch. 12 Maximum Anchor Depth. Price History Last updated: February 26, 2017 at 01:22 EST. Pricing information is provided by the listed merchants. GoSale is not responsible for the accuracy of pricing information, product information or the images provided. Product prices and availability is subject to change. Any price and availability information displayed on amazon or other merchants at the time of purchase will apply to the purchase of the product. As always, be sure to visit the merchants site to review and verify product information, price, and shipping costs. GoSale is not responsible for the content and opinions contained in customer submitted reviews. Coupon Codes Here are all the current Coupon Codes we found for Minn Kota 1810412 Talon Shallow Water Anchor 12039 Black Expires: April 1, 2017 Coupon Details: Get this special 15 off price (maximum of 30 off) YOUR FIRST 3 ORDERS when you create a NEW account and enter coupon code TRIPLE15 at checkout. Note, some brands may be excluded from this offer. Se detaljer. This coupon applies to orders of 35.00. Coupon Details: Get 147.30 OFF automatically when you add this item to your cart Regular price of 1999.99 will be shown prior to adding it to your cart. Set Your Price Alert